May I wish all my readers a happy Lá an Dreoilín. Enjoy the hunting
Apologies to everyone who has been emailing, tweeting or commenting over the last few days but (to borrow a description used of the late Jeffrey Bernard) An Sionnach Fionn has been unwell. Unfortunately it wasn’t the festive level of “unwellness” achieved by the legendary Fleet Street journo turned bonhomie but a rather more prosaic bout of the winter flu. It has laid me low, like Feardhia before Cú Chulainn, adrift on a troubled stream of waters.
However, I hope to return to full tilt soon. Plenty more windmills out there
…Séamas
P.S. I’m fairly sure that “searglighe” would be rendered as “searglí” in Modern Irish (reformed spelling, etc.) but I’m too sick to research it. Ironically enough.
If the message hasn’t been driven home that the Irish language and those who speak it are at the top of the Fine Gael-Labour government’s list of targets, then the latest news from the Irish Times will surely leave no doubt:
“National cultural institutions, such as museums and parks, could be forced to close or restrict access to the public under cuts outlined by the Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht.
Cuts of €37 million to allocations for the Arts and the Irish language would negatively impact on tourism, employment opportunities and on the range of services provided to the public, the department said in a document published yesterday.
In its Comprehensive Spending Review, the Department said cuts of 15 per cent, as envisaged by the Department of Public expenditure, would have significant negative implications on its core functions.
There would also be negative impacts on “lifeline transport services” to the islands.
Irish language and Gaeltacht-related programmes would be cut by €2.7 million…
The total allocation for Irish language and the Gaeltacht would be cut by €6 million over the three years, from a full-year allocation this year of €34.5 million.
This would hit Irish language support schemes.
Although many of the proposals in the spending reviews were not adopted by the Cabinet for this year’s budget, it is understood they could be considered in future years.”
Funny. Here’s me thinking that Irish speaking citizens were taxpayers too, with the same entitlements as their English speaking peers? Yet it seems that the cuts are falling disproportionately in areas effecting their lives.
What’s that old saying? No taxation without representation?
Two Sinn Féin leaders, two stories. On one side is Gerry Adams T.D., president of the party, member of Dáil Éireann, and the leading advocate for a reunited Ireland in Sinn Féin’s renewed push to end partition. From the Belfast Telegraph:
‘Many people in Ireland are opposed to Britain, the European Union (EU) or the International Monetary Fund (IMF) “ruling” over Irish affairs, Gerry Adams has said.
“But there are many people in Ireland who want rid of outsiders ruling us whether from London or the IMF and EU,” he said. “They want a free and united and independent Ireland.”
The reference to the impact of the Republic’s multi-billion euro EU and IMF bailout came in a speech in which the Sinn Fein leader predicted growth for his party.
“The fact is that Irish republicanism is stronger today than at any time since partition,” said Mr Adams. “But to make further advances and to be able to exercise even greater political influence and power, we need to build our struggle.”
He said: “Thirty years ago there was an Orange State. The Orange State is gone. The Government of Ireland Act is gone. The right of citizens to opt for a United Ireland is equal to that of those who wish to retain the union.”
He added: “There is now an entirely peaceful way to bring an end to British rule. Our duty is to develop democratic ways and means to achieve and to unite behind the leadership and the campaigns which will bring this about.”‘
On the other side is Martin McGuinness M.P. and M.L.A., Joint First Minister of the North of Ireland (or Deputy First Minster of Northern Ireland, depending on your politics) and the party’s chief strategist in seemingly making the British Occupied North of Ireland a tolerable place for Irish citizens to live in while on the road to a reunited Ireland. From the Guardian:
‘Petrol bombs were thrown at police officers and vans by masked youths in the Bogside area, and at the Apprentice Boys’ Memorial Hall HQ in Derry at the climax of the loyalist marching season.
Dissident republicans were also believed to be behind a pipe bomb attack at police lines close to Derry city centre on Saturday evening. No one was injured during the disturbances, which lasted for several hours.
The violence erupted after supporters of the Real IRA-linked 32 County Sovereignty Movement attempted to make their way into the city centre. At the time up to 15,000 members of the Apprentice Boys along with their supporters were marching in Derry.
McGuinness said on Sunday: “What we witnessed last night in Derry was completely unacceptable. I challenge those who were behind this violence to come out and try and defend the incidents that occurred in our city.
“The attacks on the Memorial Hall were motivated entirely by sectarianism and whoever carried them out should know that such behaviour goes against everything about Irish republicanism.”
He added: “The vast majority of people in Derry want to get on with the job of moving this city forward. Those behind last night’s violence seem to be wedded to an entirely different agenda.”‘
So what are we to make of this dual strategy? A variation on the ballot box and armalite? A combination of working from without and within? Certainly there is little evidence that Sinn Féin is any less wedded to its long term goal, the reunification of Ireland through the ending of the British Occupation and partition, than it has always been. In fact with the re-emphasis on that project both at home and abroad the long-term agenda seems clear, even if the particulars of the actual strategy itself are slightly less so (though cynics might claim the new push is derived more from worries about lost support in Ireland and the Irish communities abroad to the various groups making up the disparate movement of Dissident or Resistance Republicans, than any real ideological commitments).
It is clear that the reunification of the north-east of the island with the rest of the nation will involve a considerable period of ‘home rule’ in the North. In other words the North of Ireland will continue for a period with some form of regional assembly and legislature while under ‘Dublin rule’. After all this is nothing new in a European context where local autonomies based upon regional or ethnic differences are commonplace across the Continent, from Italy to Sweden, Spain to Romania. Many Western European nations have made accommodations with local ethnic or national minorities without compromising their overall sovereignty or territorial integrity and there is little reason why Ireland will be any different.
In fact such a situation was foreseen long ago, even during the heady days of the Irish Revolution, with many envisaging a ‘northern parliament’ within a free Ireland as one solution to the accommodation of Ireland’s separatist British minority. Éamon de Valera certainly allowed for such a scenario in the 1937 Bunreacht na hÉireann, with its clauses facilitating exclusive language use, be it Irish or English, throughout the state at the discretion of the Oireachtas, one of many overtures to the British community on the island.
Sinn Féin, at least at the leadership level and those immediately under it, seem to be working on this basis by laying the groundwork in the North for such a constitutional arrangement (others of course will have another interpretation). However in the process they also seem to be undermining their own position, at least as far as some of the younger generation of Irish people in the North are concerned. These are the very ones that are turning to or sympathising with the counter-arguments being put forth by many of the Resistance Republicans.
Like the armalite and ballot box policy of yore it is another difficult dual strategy that Sinn Féin (and what’s left of the Provisional IRA) has entered upon. However it may be one that proves, in the long term, to be as equally as successful. And it is worth remembering that it is in the long term that Gerry Adams, of all the Sinn Féin strategists, not simply thinks but excels.
An Cloigtheach Shord Cholm Cille, Fine Gall, Laighean, Éire, Meitheamh 2011 (The Round Tower of Swords, Fingal, Leinster, Ireland, June 2011).
As those of you who know me are well aware, I’m what one might call a militant Gael. I’m Native Irish, and part of a community of Irish speakers who have lived on this island (and in these islands) for the last five thousand years and more. Contrary to popular myth, current academic opinion holds that the Celtic peoples emerged from the network of scattered communities that lived along the Atlantic seaboard of Western Europe, from the tip of southern Spain to the point of northern Britain, during the late Neolithic and early Bronze Age. The Irish Sea was the cradle of one dialect of these early Celtic speaking peoples that gave us the closely related Gaelic languages of Ireland, Scotland and Mann – both ancient and modern.
This sort of heritage gives one a longer view on life and history than the average Westerner (European or otherwise). So for instance from my perspective I can see that the English language in Ireland is only a recent phenomenon. Of the last 5000 years of Irish history English has been a majority language for just a 150 years, and that largely as the result of An Gorta Mór or the Great Famine of the mid-1800s, which denuded the island of its Irish speaking majority through death and exile. Remove well over 2 million people in the space of eight years and of course things are going to change – and change dramatically (the only other comparison in European history for the next century-and-a-half is the dramatic social, cultural and linguistic effects of the Holocaust, particularly in central and eastern Europe).
So it’s frequently with amusement (not to mention bemusement) that I greet those fellow (English speaking) citizens of Ireland who sometimes challenge me for speaking the Irish language. It comes in a variety of confrontations (or comments). Sometimes it is said in a jovial manner, as if I was some strange eccentric or hobbyist. ‘What, you’re into Irish? You speak it, like, really? And have an Irish name too?’
Sometimes it is with admiration, usually of the wistfully longing kind. ‘You speak Irish, yeah? Are you fluent? That’s so cool. I wish I could speak it but… [insert here reason why he/she is unable to speak Irish and why he/she wishes they could and would if only...].’
Sometimes it is with wariness or even trepidation, as if I stood there with an assault rifle in one hand and the Foclóir Gaeilge-Béarla in the other (a revolutionary image that I’m not entirely uncomfortable with). ‘You’re a Gaeilgeoir? Yeah, I love Irish too, wish I could speak it, really do. It’s awful that I don’t. Sorry. But really great that you do [speak it on my behalf so I don’t have to – and please don’t think I’m not one of the good guys like you].’
Sometimes, and more often than it used to be, it is with downright hostility – hostility bordering on violence.
It was an encounter of the latter kind that I had this morning, while getting phone credit in my local shop. After being served by an impossibly tall Polish shop assistant and handing over my twenty euro note, I took my credit slip with a cheery ‘Go raibh maith agat’, as I sometimes do, receiving a pleasant nod in return from behind the counter (my experience of foreigners in Ireland, living and working here, is that they are frequently more tolerant of our native language than many of the alleged natives) and turning away I was stopped in my tracks by a, ‘Do you speak Irish then?’
This was not from the assistant, or his colleague, but by another customer, who stepped out in front of me. Irish, well, a citizen of Ireland, medium height, late twenties, a paunch fighting to escape a red soccer jersey (not of any Irish team, I believe, though I’m not exactly knowledgeable about these things) and baggy ghetto-style jeans (and worn ghetto-style too – intentionally or not).
‘So? Do ya?’
Throwing caution to the wind, and succumbing to the belligerent Gael inside, I answered in the positive – and waited for his reaction.
I didn’t have to wait for long.
Soon I was learning that this unhappy bunny hated the Irish language with a passion bordering on a mania, that it is was a complete waste of money: a dead language spoken by a dead people. A veritable monologue of bitter complaints followed leading up to a potentially perilous question. ‘So, I suppose you think you’re more Irish than me because you speak your Irish, then?’
I was going to point out that it was everyone’s Irish, not just mine, but rather than beat around the bush I gave an honest response.
‘Well… yes.’
Oh dear. Having frequently come across the literary metaphor of someone turning red with rage, but never having actually seen it in real life, I can now say I have done so – and then some. Bulging blood vessels, eye-popping snarls, bared teeth, here it was in all its 3D glory.
Over the next five minutes I was called everything from a ‘Provo bastard’ to a ‘murderer’ to a ‘fascist’ to a ‘Nazi’. I was told to fuck off to somewhere where they spoke Irish (I thought that was Ireland but maybe he meant Newfoundland?) and take my ‘dead language’ with me (I was going to ask if speaking Irish made me a Zombie then, but he didn’t look like the type for philosophical musings). I was loudly informed that he was more Irish than me and that Ireland was an English country (I think he meant English-speaking but maybe that was a Freudian slip – and since he was spitting in saliva-heavy outrage I thought it perhaps unwise to correct him).
Among the many pearls of wisdom he imparted to me was that Irish was a language no one nowhere in the world spoke. It was dead: a dead language that no one spoke. This made his next few statements somewhat incongruous. Irish was the language of the culchies (bumpkin country folk – he was a Dubliner) that they only spoke ‘in the west’ and ‘out there’ (not sure where out there is, but my impression is he certainly didn’t view as being anywhere near Dublin city). Irish wouldn’t get anyone a job or keep ‘da ‘conomy’ going and was a colossal waste of resources.
This was then followed by the ‘fact’ that only ‘snobs’ like me spoke it anyway, that we sent our kids to the ‘rich Irish schools’ in our ‘fuckin’ mercs and beamers’ and that we ‘look after each other’ and kept ourselves ‘in jobs’ and that there was plenty of jobs for people like us.
Then came the news that he was sick of hearing the Irish language, the way ‘yous’ had young people’s heads twisted into thinking it was their language and they are ‘all’ speaking it now (the living young people, I presume – not the dead young people – who are, you know, dead).
Finally his tirade was topped by another I dare you question, ’Go on say it again, say that that you’re more Irish than me. What makes you think that you’re more Irish than me?’
‘I speak Irish?’
Ooops…
Finally the intervention of the shop assistants (both of whom were clearly nonplussed by the whole affair) brought the man to an infuriated halt whereupon he turned heel and stormed from the shop, littering the air behind him with a few choice, and entirely Anglo-Saxon, swearwords.
The Polish dude from behind the counter (all 7ft of him) shook his head and laughed. ‘You Irish are crazy. You have your own language like us but you don’t speak it and when one of you do speak it another one attacks him. Crazy Irish’
Indeed. Crazy Irish.
Crazy English-speaking Irish.
News today that 120 heavily armed British police officers from London’s Metropolitan Police force will be patrolling the streets of Dublin during the visit by the British head of state alongside (mainly unarmed) members of An Garda Síochana.
So, not only has the upcoming visit by the British queen introduced a city under siege, with Dublin locked down by a security cordon, road and street checkpoints for pedestrians and vehicles and Garda stop-and-search powers in full effect, turning Dublin 2011 into Belfast 2001, but we now also have British police officers on the streets of the capital armed with automatic pistols and automatic submachine guns and rifles.
Is this what we call going forward? To me it is more like going backwards.
From a cautious welcome by Progressive Republicans and Nationalists to the visit by HRH we are rapidly descending into the area of insult added to injury. Is this how to win hearts and minds? And is this what Enda ‘Paddy’ Kenny brings to the Irish nation. 25 millions euros in costs to the taxpayer, millions more lost to the local Dublin economy in missed business and trade caused by days of disruption, UDA British terrorist leaders at Islandbridge and now armed British cops on our streets?
Unbelievable news today from journalist Eamonn Mallie:
‘The UDA’s five brigadiers and 4/5 representatives of their respective districts have been extended invitations to a wreath laying ceremony by Queen Elizabeth at Islandbridge in honour of the war dead. President Mary McAleese’s husband Martin has been involved with UDA leaders in community work for several years. South Belfast brigadier Jackie McDonald regularly visits Aras an Uachtarain.
Confirming the invitations on Wednesday to the Islandbridge leg of the Queen’s visit Mr McDonald said “this represents progress and is a reward for work being done. Others could learn from this.’
Yes, that’s right. On the anniversary of the British state-sponsored terrorist attacks in Dublin and Monaghan on 17 May 1974, that killed 33 civilians and wounded nearly 300 others, the leaders of the largest British terrorist movement in the North of Ireland (the Ulster Defence Association or UDA) will be attending the official ceremony by the British head of state at Islandbridge to commemorate those Irishmen who died on British military service in WWI (before Ireland gained it’s independence).
As news stories go this is one of the more extraordinary that I’ve seen. As a PR exercise it is about as sensitive as inviting unrepentant Nazis to visit Auschwitz.
The simultaneous bombings in the city of Dublin and the town of Monaghan were carried out by British Unionist terrorists in the so-called Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) under the control of the British Intelligence services (British Military Intelligence and the British Security Service or MI5) and the then British paramilitary police force in the North of Ireland (the Royal Ulster Constabulary or RUC). Suspicions remain that elements of the British civil government were also culpable in giving the incentive for the attacks by the UVF to take place.
The UDA remains an illegal or banned (proscribed) organisation in the North of Ireland because of its status as a terrorist movement (a ban the British resisted for many years until International pressure forced their hand). It was responsible for the murder and wounding of hundreds of civilians during the war in the North – many at the behest of the British Forces in a campaign of selective terror and assassination.
If the Irish people are prepared to welcome the British head of state, how do they feel about the leaders of the British terror gangs her forces harboured and directed for decades? A ‘gesture’ too far for even the most hardened stomach to accept?
More information here: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dublin_and_Monaghan_bombings#Barron_Inquiry_treatment_of_evidence_of_collusion_in_bombings
Is mise Séamas Ó Sionnaigh nó an Sionnach Fionn!