Brothers In Arms? Ireland And Israel

Yitzhak HaLevi Herzog - the Sinn Fein Rabbi

Yitzhak HaLevi Herzog – the Sinn Féin Rabbi

The excellent history site, The Irish Story, has recently posted two articles examining the ideological similarities between Irish and Israeli nationalism in the 19th and 20th centuries and the fraternal links between the Republican and Zionist revolutionary movements in Ireland, Europe and North America. Its fascinating stuff and something I’ve developed an interest in over the last decade and more thanks to my frankly envious admiration for the revival of the Hebrew language (as noted here several times).

And before anyone starts leaving Comments attacking my expressions of admiration for Israel I shall note my critical stand on Israel’s deviation away from the left-of-centre principals of many of its founders and the appalling treatment of the Palestinian people that I highlighted here. Many forget that once upon a time Israel was the darling of the radical Left in Europe and beyond. Every good Trot wanted to sojourn on a kibbutz in the 1950s and ’60s.

As for the insidious canard spread by the fundamentalist Protestant Right in the United States that Ireland is anti-Semitic. Well much of it is patently racist in tone, that old strain of anti-Irish bigotry disguised as something new, with a typically swivel-eyed example here for you to read (if you have the stomach for it). I have had my own clashes with the crazies of the American Far Right, self-informed demagogues who rapidly crumble when challenged over their laughably false accusations of historic anti-Jewish sentiment in Ireland.

I wonder, now, does anyone remember Sarah Medali, a Russian-born Jewish mother of three children, murdered by the British Occupation Forces on Friday the 10th of December 1920 in a raid that heralded a pogrom in the City of Cork by the British Forces that left 17 dead and wounded (including a Catholic priest, Thomas Magnier) and culminated in the burning of the city? Certainly not the opportunistic militant Christian defenders of Israel pursuing their own death-craving vision of a new Jerusalem.

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Seanchas – Irish, Scottish And Manx Mythology And Folklore

Cairn Loch Craobh, Sliabh na Caillí, Loch Craobh, An Mhí, Éire, Meitheamh 2009 (Photo: Séamas Ó Sionnaigh)

Cairn Loch Craobh, Sliabh na Caillí, Loch Craobh, An Mhí, Éire, Meitheamh 2009 (Photo: Séamas Ó Sionnaigh)

For those of you with an interest in early, middle and early modern indigenous Irish literature and post-Medieval folklore (Irish and Anglicised-Irish), here is a collection of my articles, long and short (though two are unfinished). Naturally it covers the national traditions of Scotland and the Isle of Man too.

Tuatha Dé Danann
Na Fomhóraigh
Lucharacháin
An Sí
Na Fathaigh
Na Bocánaigh, Na Bánánaigh
Na Púcaí
Na Péisteanna
Na Murúcha
Seanchas Agus Litríocht na nGael
Na Fianna

Of course some may prefer the Hellboy version of these things…

 

Inside The IRA – 1994

Inside The IRA (Image: Rory Nugent, Spin Magazine, 1994)

Inside The IRA (Image: Rory Nugent, Spin Magazine, 1994)

How things have changed in the last 19 years – and how much they have stayed the same. In 1994 the American writer and journalist Rory Nugent was “embedded” for Spin Magazine with an Active Service Unit of the Irish Republican Army in the Occupied North of Ireland, from December 1993 to April 1994. The British government was so infuriated by the story that they issued an arrest warrant for the editor of the US-based publication.

The link to the original magazine article is here, “Inside The IRA” (page 64). It is a timely reminder of why politics must be made to work.

(Note: the video above is a low-quality version of copyrighted footage shot by the journalist Rory Nugent while writing a piece for Spin Magazine on the Irish Republican Army in 1994. The version shown here is used with permission)

Cultural Terrorism In Timbuktu

English: Image of Timbuktu manuscripts.

Image of Timbuktu manuscripts

This is terrible news that comes on top of previous acts of cultural terrorism carried out by extreme ideologues in the Moslem world. From the Guardian:

“Islamist insurgents retreating from Timbuktu set fire to a library containing thousands of priceless historic manuscripts, according to the Saharan town’s mayor, in an incident he described as a “devastating blow” to world heritage.

Hallé Ousmani Cissé told the Guardian that al-Qaida-allied fighters on Saturday torched two buildings that held the manuscripts, some of which dated back to the 13th century. They also burned down the town hall, the governor’s office and an MP’s residence, and shot dead a man who was celebrating the arrival of the French military.

French troops and the Malian army reached the gates of Timbuktu on Saturday and secured the town’s airport. But they appear to have got there too late to rescue the leather-bound manuscripts that were a unique record of sub-Saharan Africa’s rich medieval history. The rebels attacked the airport on Sunday, the mayor said.”

However before we get too righteous in our understandable indignation it is worth remembering that the desecration of priceless historical artefacts is not unique to Islam. They have it in Italy as the effects of an economy in freefall start to percolate upwards to people previously unaffected by poverty or financial hardship. They have it in Greece, the shameful socio-economic laboratory of the European Union. And they have it in Ireland too where no one has yet to face arrest or prosecution for the deliberate vandalism of the Lia Fáil or Stone of Destiny at Teamhair na Rí.

Britain’s War In Ireland – Learning The Lessons

Bloody Sunday Massacre, Derry, Ireland, 1972

Bloody Sunday Massacre, Derry, Ireland, 1972

The Irish journalist and author Finian Cunningham examines the conflict in the north-east of Ireland during the late 1960s and early ‘70s and draws some lessons in relation to France’s present military intervention in Mali. His description of the origins and early years of the Northern War are particularly noteworthy:

“This week sees the anniversary of one of the worst massacres in modern Irish history, when British paratroopers murdered 14 unarmed civilians in cold blood.

On 30 January 1972, the British troops opened fire on a civil rights march in Derry City, Northern Ireland’s second city after Belfast, in full glare of the international news media.

Half of the victims that day were teenagers, shot in the head or in the back by British snipers. Some of the fatally wounded were shot multiple times as they tried to crawl to safety. Others were cut down in a hail of bullets as they tended to those lying wounded, bleeding on the ground.

One iconic image from that horrific day shows a Catholic priest, Fr Edward Daly, holding up a bloodstained white cloth, pleading with the British soldiers to cease-fire as he helped carry a dying youth.

Bloody Sunday, as it became known, was a watershed event. From then on, the conflict in Northern Ireland exploded. Some 3,000 people would lose their lives in the ensuing decades of violence – a huge death toll for the tiny population, equivalent to 240,000 in Iran or 900,000 in the United States.

Many Irish citizens, outraged by the British army slaughter, went on to join the ranks of the newly formed Provisional Irish Republican Army, the armed guerrilla movement that would kill hundreds of British troops and police and take the war to the very streets of London, with massive bombing campaigns in the British capital and other major cities.

Prior to the arrival of the British troops, the British-controlled Northern Ireland saw an outbreak of violence in the summer of 1968 when Nationalists began agitating for equal civil rights under the corrupt pro-British Unionist administration. Peaceful demonstrations by Nationalists were subsequently attacked by Unionist gangs and paramilitaries, aided and abetted by the sectarian state police force. Many civilians were killed as Nationalist communities were shot at and burned out of their homes and workplaces in reprisals over their political demands.

The Unionist-dominated province of Northern Ireland brought international disgrace to the United Kingdom, and the London government was obliged to post thousands of British soldiers “to restore order”. At first, Nationalist communities welcomed the British troops when they were deployed in August 1969, believing the army to be affording protection from marauding Unionist paramilitaries and police.

When the British army went into Northern Ireland in 1969, it soon became apparent that the intervention had nothing to do with protecting Nationalist civilians, under the boot of the Unionist statelet, and everything to do with suppressing the political challenge being posed by Irish separatism, which wanted to dismantle the British partition of Ireland and to create a united, independent country, free from London’s political control.

The pretext used by London for despatching troops to Northern Ireland concealed its real purpose. That agenda was to target the Nationalist population with state terrorism for political ends. Whereas in previous years, the Unionist paramilitaries could rely on the collusion of the local police force to terrorise, from 1969 onwards these forces had the full might of the British army to ramp up the violence against Nationalist civilians and thereby intimidate them from supporting political opposition to the British government’s presence in Ireland.

The year before Bloody Sunday, in August 1971, British paratroopers shot dead 11 unarmed civilians in the Ballymurphy area of West Belfast. Among the dead was a 50-year-old woman, Joan Connolly, who had been standing peacefully on the street. Another victim was a priest, Fr. Hugh Mullan, who was shot dead while trying to assist a man wounded on the ground. [ASF: Click on the link for more on the Ballymurphy Massacre]

On 9 July 1972 – six months after Bloody Sunday – British troops again shot dead five unarmed Nationalist civilians in another area of West Belfast, Springhill. Three of the victims were children, including 13-year-old Margaret Gargan, who was shot in the head by a British sniper as she was walking to her home. The two adults who died that day, Patrick Butler and Fr. Noel Fitzpatrick, were killed with the same bullet, it ripping through one man’s head into the other. One of the survivors of the Springhill massacre later told how, as he lay wounded, bullets were ricocheting off the ground near his head, fired by British soldiers who had taken up position in a nearby timber yard that overlooked the residential neighbourhood.

On another occasion during that year, a friend of this author told how when he was only a young boy he witnessed his father and a neighbour being shot at by British troops, while they were painting the family home in West Belfast. The neighbour was blown off the ladder when a high-velocity round slammed into his upper leg. It was fired by British soldiers dug in a couple of kilometres away on the Black Mountain looking down on the housing estate. Just one of countless acts of gratuitous violence committed against the civilian population by British troops.

During these gun attacks on Nationalist communities, the British army would often work hand-in-glove with Unionist paramilitaries, or death squads, as they fired into family homes, indiscriminately killing the occupants. That secret policy of collusion between British forces and Unionist death squads would later be refined with even more deadly impact.

It should be noted that this wanton state terrorism by British forces was taking place in a part of the United Kingdom, where there was supposedly the rule of law, human rights and due process.”

 

Bloody Sunday Massacre, Derry, Ireland, 1972

Bloody Sunday Massacre, Derry, Ireland, 1972

The McGurk Bar Massacre – British Bombers In Irish Cities

13 year-old Irish child James Cromie murdered by British state-controlled terrorists in the McGurk Bar Bombing, Belfast, Ireland, 1971

13 year-old Irish child James Cromie murdered by British state-controlled terrorists in the McGurk Bar Bombing, Belfast, Ireland, 1971

Two reviews of the ground-breaking investigative book “The McGurk’s Bar BombingCollusionCover-Up and a Campaign for Truthby the Irish author and campaigner Ciarán Mac Airt. The first is from the news and current affairs blog Its A Political World and the second is from the journalist and screenwriter Viv Young in The New York Journal of Books.

For more on the McGurk Massacre and the campaign of terrorist bombings carried out in Ireland by the British military and intelligence services and their paramilitary allies in the 1970s please see here.

Please Tweet at #deathsquadbritain

Counter-Gangs – The Origins Of British Terrorism In Ireland

12 year old Maria McGurk, murdered by British state-controlled terrorists in 1971 at McGurk's Bar, Belfast, Ireland. Another victim of Britain's dirty war in Ireland.

12 year old Maria McGurk, murdered by British state-controlled terrorists in 1971 at McGurk’s Bar, Belfast, Ireland. Another victim of Britain’s dirty war in Ireland.

I’ve devoted considerable space on An Sionnach Fionn to cataloguing Britain’s dirty war in Ireland highlighting a wide range of evidence gathered over the last forty years by human rights organisations, journalists and historians. Now the independent news and current affairs site Spinwatch has worked with the Pat Finucane Centre to publish a new study, “COUNTER-GANGS: A history of undercover military units in Northern Ireland 1971-1976“, a comprehensive investigation into the origins of British state-terrorism in Ireland.

The author of COUNTER-GANGS is Margaret Urwin, the secretary of Justice for the Forgotten, a branch of the Pat Finucane Centre which works with victims of Britain’s bombing campaigns in Ireland during the 1970s. Her report is based on years of work including interviews with former members of the British military and intelligence services and extensive documentary research. The publication presents evidence proving:

  • that senior British Army officers stationed in the North of Ireland during the early years of the conflict developed close contacts with various British terrorist factions in Ireland as part of a wider counter-insurgency war against the Irish Republican Army and Irish civilian population in general.
  • that the British Army created a special forces intelligence group, the Military Reaction Forces (MRF), in late 1971 and that the public exposure of the MRF as a death squad led to their replacement a year later by a larger organisation: the Special Reconnaissance Unit (SRU).
  • that the SRU relied heavily on members of the Special Air Service (SAS) for special forces manpower. Successive British governments went to enormous lengths to conceal this fact from the British parliament and media, denying the role of SAS death squads in Ireland.
  • that deliberately misleading information about British special forces and intelligence units in Ireland was fed to the British and international press as part of a black propaganda campaign. One resulting media story included information that would have enabled the Irish Republican Army to identify Louis Hammond as an MRF agent in their ranks. Hammond was shot shortly afterwards.

The report is the first of the State Violence and Collusion Project, an online research collaboration between SpinWatch and the Pat Finucane Centre, established with funding from the respected British-based Scurrah Wainwright Charity.

For more information please download the free PDF booklet “COUNTER-GANGS: A history of undercover military units in Northern Ireland 1971-1976” (verified virus-free). I also recommend the use of the independent wiki Power Base for more to the background of Britain’s thirty-year war in Ireland.

Lessons From The First Chechen War

afghanistan

Afghanistan

For military analysts like myself the two most interesting conflicts of the last twenty years have been the First Chechen War of 1994-1996 and the Second Lebanese War of 2006. In the former conflict the tiny Chechen Republic of Ichkeria found itself taking on the decaying colossus of the Russian Federation in the aftermath of the collapse of the old Soviet Union. Despite the received wisdom of popular myth guerrilla armies do not always defeat regular armies, no matter how lengthy the conflict. In fact more often than not it is the irregular forces that succumb in one form or another, unless they manage to gain support from significant backers, invariably meaning a nation-state or states.

The United States lost in Vietnam because of the political, military and financial backing for the Viet Cong guerrillas and party in the south by the government of North Vietnam as well as the USSR and the Peoples Republic of China. The USSR was defeated in Afghanistan because of the support for the Mujahideen that flowed from the United States, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Egypt, Britain and China. Likewise the support from Iran for the insurgency in Iraq was a major cause of the precipitous withdrawal of Coalition forces there.The evolving “defeat” (or at least “drawdown”) of NATO-led forces in Afghanistan was and is in part due to the backing of the Taliban / anti-Kabul forces by Pakistan and latterly Iran.

Without a national backer most historic insurgencies simply fizzle out. A notable exception is to be found in Ireland’s War of Independence which was fought by the revolutionary Irish Republic through Sinn Féin and the Irish Republican Army against the United Kingdom of Great Britain and the British Empire as a whole. Despite considerable sympathy around the globe, especially in the United States, Australia, France, Germany and Italy, very little direct aid was supplied to the Irish cause, and none from government sources. Instead the Irish Revolution was largely self reliant and self-sustaining, with help from individual Irish emigrant communities overseas, making its (partial) success all the more remarkable.

In contrast both the Chechen and Lebanese wars mentioned above relied on the succour of one or more nation-states to succeed. The Chechen guerillas had at their core the resources of their former Republic and initially the struggle was fought between two conventional military forces. They also had sympathetic neighbouring states, at least in the early stages of the conflict. When the Israeli Defence Forces or IDF invaded (or was lured into) southern Lebanon in July of 2006 it found itself confronted by Islamic Resistance, the military wing of Hezbollah, a nominally guerilla grouping. However thanks to the military and financial aid supplied by the Islamic Republic of Iran the Israelis were delivered a series of tactical defeats by a force that bordered the line between irregular and regular eventually producing something of an ignoble retreat by Israel.

The links below lead to PDF downloads of chapters from “Russia’s Chechen Wars 1994-2000: Lessons from Urban Combat“ by Olga Oliker for the RAND Corporation. They present a detailed military and political analysis of the failures (and successes)  surrounding Russia’s military expeditions in Chechnya.

Contents:

  • Preface PDF
  • Figures PDF
  • Summary PDF
  • Acknowledgments PDF
  • Glossary PDF
  • Chapter 1 Introduction PDF
  • Chapter 2 Grozny I: 1994-1995 PDF
  • Chapter 3 Return to Grozny: 1999-2000 PDF
  • Chapter 4 Conclusions PDF
  • Bibliography PDF

Two Great Articles From “Come Here To Me”

Sarah Curran by George Romney

Sarah Curran by George Romney

One of the current buzzwords of the contemporary internet is “hyperlocal”. The term refers to the belief that small, regionally-based websites can best achieve success by focusing on the minutiae of the area they are located in. This can cover many types of internet media, from local current affairs to business reporting. While the viability of the theory is debatable (and to me, at least, it is only applicable to locations with large populations, like major cities or places with a strong regional identity), there are some sites that prove the idea’s worth.

In Ireland one such website is the Dublin-based Come Here To Me blog. Since 2009 it has catalogued the cultural, social and political history of the capital city, as well as venturing broader afield, in ever-more fascinating detail. No person, no building, no event is too obscure for this wonderful website as it uncovers forgotten parts of Dublin’s history as well as reporting on its many contemporary affairs. Where else could one go from reading a post on the 18th century Hellfire Club to an article on urban graffiti artists?

What makes the site all the better is its vaguely iconoclastic, anti-establishment air. This is the people’s history, not the state’s, the world from the bottom up, not the top down. The latest two articles are up to the usual high standards, with an examination of the long forgotten Jemmy Hope, the Irish Republican revolutionary of the late 1700s and early 1800s, and a look at “The Priory”, the now sadly forlorn home of Sarah Curran, Robert Emmet’s great love. I recommend a reading of both.

Death Squad Britain

12 year old Maria McGurk, murdered by British state-controlled terrorists in 1971 at McGurk's Bar, Belfast, Ireland. Another victim of Britain's dirty war in Ireland.

12 year old Maria McGurk, murdered by British state-controlled terrorists in 1971 at McGurk’s Bar, Belfast, Ireland. Another victim of Britain’s dirty war in Ireland.

Two weeks ago the British prime minister, David Cameron, apologised in the UK parliament on behalf of the British nation for the assassination of the Irish civil rights lawyer Pat Finucane by gunmen from the UDA-UFF, a British terrorist organisation in the North of Ireland under the control of Britain’s paramilitary, military and intelligence services.

An official report into Pat Finucane’s murder by the former UN war crimes’ investigator Desmond de Silva, released the same day, catalogued the contributions made by various terrorist factions from the British Unionist minority in the north-east of Ireland to Britain’s counter-insurgency war against the Irish Republican Army and the Irish population in general, north and south of the border. In particular the report focused on the relationship between the terror gangs and the Royal Ulster Constabulary or RUC, the notorious British paramilitary police force disbanded by Britain as part of the Irish peace process, British Military Intelligence and its various secret armies (including the infamous Force Research Unit or FRU), as well as the British Security Service or MI5.

In one day some four decades worth of accusations and claims by politicians, lawyers, journalists, historians and human rights activists from Ireland, Britain, Europe and the United States were given vindication. There was now a de facto acknowledgement by the London authorities that Britain’s counter-insurgency war in Ireland consisted of a military strategy based upon state-terrorism, by and on behalf of the state, which traced its roots to the very start of the conflict. Since the publication of de Silva’s report, despite the hostility, resentment or indifference of some in the British media, many other stories from Britain’s “Dirty War” in Ireland have come back under the spotlight or started to leak out.

In an unusual move, and perhaps indicative of how much the recent revelations have shook the British establishment, the deeply conservative and jingoistic right-wing British newspaper, the Mail on Sunday, has a feature story on the earliest of Britain’s modern secret armies in Ireland, the Military Reaction Force (or MRF). In the early 1970s this band of out-of-uniform soldiers terrorised Irish Nationalist communities in the North of Ireland, in particular the city of Belfast, carrying out or organising random drive-by shootings of civilians, murders, kidnappings and bombings.

McGurk's Bar in Belfast on the 4th of December 1971, destroyed by a bomb that left dozens dead and wounded which was placed by British terrorists controlled by British Military Intelligence

McGurk’s Bar in Belfast on the 4th of December 1971, destroyed by a bomb that left dozens dead and wounded which was placed by British terrorists controlled by British Military Intelligence

In its most infamous operation the MRF arranged for terrorists from the British UVF to attack McGurk’s Bar in Belfast on the 4th of December 1971 with a parcel bomb that demolished the building killing fifteen, including 12 year old Maria McGurk, and wounding seventeen others. In the aftermath of the atrocity the British Forces used the excuse of “follow-up operations” to swamp local neighbourhoods with troops and paramilitary police who carried out destructive house-raids and multiple arrests or detentions.

Now the Mail has one of the MRF’s members apparently speaking on record:

“A former British soldier who belonged to an undercover unit in Northern Ireland has claimed he and his colleagues resorted to ‘murder and mayhem’ during a secret campaign against the IRA.

Simon Cursey was a member of a 30-man team which would ‘shoot first and ask questions later’.

Cursey says these shootings were carried out by the Military Reaction Force (MRF), a clandestine Army team sent into Republican neighbourhoods to eliminate IRA gunmen.

His accounts are being studied by detectives from the Police Service of Northern Ireland’s Historical Enquiries Team (HET), which was set up to re-examine suspicious deaths over  the course of ‘The Troubles’. More than 2,260 cases are on its books.

Cursey’s devastating disclosures include the claim that he never once cautioned a terror suspect or fired a warning shot before himself engaging with lethal force. He said he and his colleagues shot at least 20 men, though he could not say how many died.

‘The Rules of Engagement in Northern Ireland were very clear: you were only allowed to open fire at a person actively shooting at you or someone you are with. Also, you could open fire at someone aiming a weapon but who hadn’t fired yet. We had our own slight variation on these rules. We opened fire at any small group in hard areas, neighbourhoods that even looked suspicious, armed or not – it didn’t matter. We targeted specific groups that were always up to no good. These types were sympathisers and supporters, assisting the IRA movement.

‘As far as we were concerned they were guilty by association and party to terrorist activities, leaving themselves wide open to the ultimate punishment from us. If someone was picked up and it was discovered that they were illegally armed, or that they were on our “special” wanted list of IRA killers, they could be dealt with right there in the countryside: neutralised.’”

In other words the MRF was a British military death squad. Its purpose was simply to cause murder and mayhem in the Irish communities of the north-east that continued to live under the British Occupation by killing innocent and “guilty” alike. However the MRF’s reckless nature eventually brought about its own downfall and it’s operations were uncovered by the Intelligence Unit of the Belfast Brigade of the Irish Republican Army in mid-to-late 1972. After extensive surveillance units of the 2nd and 3rd Battalions of the Belfast Brigade attacked soldiers of the MRF at two different locations in the city on the 2nd of October 1972, killing or wounding several and causing panic in the British Army as intelligence operations over the following weeks effectively collapsed.

By early 1973 the now discredited MRF was disbanded but its tactics, techniques and most of its personnel went on to become part of the Special Reconnaissance Unit (or the SRU though it was also known by the cover name of the 14th Intelligence Company) and the Force Research Unit (FRU). All of them contributed to the evolving culture of Death Squad Britain.

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Flying The British Flag In Ireland

How democratic opposition to the British flag used to be dealt with in Ireland.

Two Irishmen forced to parade around Dungarvan by British troops with a British flag tied around their necks. Both were later beaten and dumped outside the town. The War of Independence, Ireland, 1920

Two Irishmen forced to parade around Dungarvan by British troops with a British flag tied around their necks. Both were later beaten and dumped outside the town. The War of Independence, Ireland, 1920

Is this what the Unionist leaders in the north-east of Ireland mean by “our Britishness“?

Pádraig Mac Piarais – The New Study In Review

The Irish revolutionary Pádraig Mac Piarais (Patrick Pearse), aged 12-14

I’ve been meaning to write a review of the new biography of Pádraig Mac Piarais, “Patrick Pearse: the making of a revolutionary by the Dutch historian Joost Augusteijn, for several months but something has always got in the way. Now Philip Ferguson has penned an excellent examination of his own over on the Irish Revolution. The French blog Liberation Irlande carries a translation of the review in two parts, here and here.

Eibhlín Nic Niocaill, close friend of Pádraig Mac Piarais

Some of you might be interested to know that I’m working on a short study of the relationship between An Piarsach and his close friend and apparent object of affection, the Irish Republican and feminist writer Eibhlín Nic Niocaillwho died at the tragically early age of twenty-five during a visit to Na Blascaodaí (the Blasket Islands) off the west coast of Ireland. This should be posted in the coming weeks.

Britain’s Irish Civil War

Volunteers of the Irish Republican Army move through Grafton Street, the Battle of Dublin, 1922

In my 2011 review of historian Liz Gillis’ new Irish Civil War study “The Fall of Dublin” from Mercier Press I wrote that:

“…one of the accusations made by some Republicans in the aftermath of the Fall of Dublin was the use of British troops  in the assaults on the Republican forces entrenched in the city. Certainly this is given some credence in a paragraph by Gillis describing a mutiny of Pro-Treaty soldiers at Portobello Barracks:

‘Frank Carney, supplies officer at the barracks, was ordered to hand over weapons and other materials that were to be used in the assault:

He was about to obey the order when he recognised the officer receiving them as a British officer from the Phoenix Park depot [the British Army HQ]. Realising it was an alliance with British against Republicans that he was being called upon to take action, he refused to comply and resigned. Several men resigned with him and all were placed under arrest.’

However there is little other evidence of direct involvement by the British Forces in the fighting, though British troops were kept at the ready in bases around the city to intervene if need be and the British provided the artillery, heavy machine guns and armoured vehicles that the Free State forces used to swing the battle in their favour. Further offers from the British including the use of warplanes to bomb and strafe Republican positions were rejected. But later in the war direct British military assistance, particularly from the Royal Navy, was accepted so perhaps British ‘advisers’ were present during the battles at the Four Courts and maybe elsewhere? Certainly as the war progressed the Free State army increasingly resembled a ‘demobbed’ British Army in Ireland.”

Now new evidence has emerged to prove that the British Occupation Forces in Ireland did participate directly in the earliest stages of the Civil War. Indeed they played a pivotal role in the events that were to propel Ireland into the internecine conflict that was to scar the country for generations to come. First comes an article from Irish Central describing a new BBC radio documentary revealing the memoirs of Lance-Bombardier Percy Creek, a British soldier who served in Ireland during the Revolution:

“A newly discovered military memoir has claimed that British Army artillery crews were commandeered by Michael Collins at the start of the Irish Civil War.

The claim contradicts official accounts that Collins turned down an offer of soldiers and artillery from the British to end the three month occupation of the Four Courts by anti-treaty forces.

The claims have been broadcast by the BBC in Britain in a radio programme featuring the memoir of Lance Bombardier Percy Creek of the Royal Field Artillery.

His book was discovered by Open University academic William Sheehan and broadcast by BBC Radio 4’s Document series.

The Irish Times reports that Creek claims in the book how his unit of howitzer artillery was sent to Fermanagh, but later told to march by night to Dublin and ‘told not to speak to anyone and to keep as quiet as possible.’

The Irish National Army had failed up to then to disperse the anti-treaty forces occupying the Four Courts under the command of Rory O’Connor.

The Irish Army’s shrapnel blasts proved ineffective which is why, Creek claims, his unit was given the orders to fire two heavy rounds.

He recalled: “We then saw the shell rip into a wall of one of the courts. Then, all became quiet and I think the officers and dignitaries were all very tense.

“We only fired two rounds and quickly limbered up and went back to the rest of the battery. The situation in Dublin was very tricky.”

The broadcast recalled how Creek’s sergeant and commanding officer were worried beforehand because of the presence of Irish soldiers in the Royal Field Artillery unit.

He said: “A few days later we went to some docks and the whole battery was shipped back to Fishguard.”

Historian William Sheehan told The Irish Times that the Creek memoir is significant. He said: “It shows that the agenda was being driven by the British cabinet in London.

“Ministers there, including Winston Churchill, were concerned that anti-Treaty forces in Munster and elsewhere would mobilise to surround the National Army troops encircling the Four Courts.

The Nottingham-based academic added: “Collins was not a victim, but there is evidence that he was certainly not in control of what was going on around him. He’s choiceless. He is essentially doing what the British wanted.”

Collins’s biographer Tim Pat Coogan told the BBC programme he did not know if Creek’s version of events was accurate, but ‘it could have happened.’

University of Dundee professor Dr John Regan told the BBC that the account ‘complicates things’. He said: “It suggests that the British were there for the opening shots of the Irish Civil War.””

Soldiers of the Irish National Army (Free State Army) with British-supplied uniforms, weapons and equipment, the Battle of Dublin, 1922

Creek’s testimonial has now been given greater weight with collaborative proof from British government files, as detailed in an article from today’s Irish Times newspaper:

“Lance-Bombardier Percy Creek had no intention of trying to overturn one of the State’s foundation stones when he sat down decades afterward to write of his time in the British army.

Last week sections of his memoir were published. In these he claimed that he and other British gunners were employed to shell the Four Courts in the opening chapter of the Civil War.

Despite the rumours then, and later, it had always been generally accepted that Michael Collins used British equipment and ammunition, but not troops. Creek’s account calls into question this version of history, however. Despite Creek’s doubters last week, and there were many, his account is backed by British cabinet minutes from late June 1922.

Open University academic William F Sheehan, formerly of University College, Cork, examined the cabinet papers for information that would support, or cast doubt, on Creek’s account.

Faced with the killing of Gen Henry Wilson in London, London demanded immediate action against the Four Courts, held by anti-treaty forces since April. During a meeting before noon on June 28th, ministers were told that the British commander in Ireland, Gen Nevil Macready, did not then believe Collins would ask for troops.

“(Lord Cavan, chief of the imperial general staff) thought it was a great pity that the provisional government had not asked the imperial troops to carry out the task for them,” the minutes record.

By 7.45pm, British ministers were back in conclave. The news from Dublin was not good: four 18-pounder guns had been lent, but they were now short of ammunition. New supplies could be shipped, but they could be 24 hours away: “The danger of delay was that reinforcements might arrive from other parts of Ireland for Republican forces,” the minutes record.

Lord Cavan reported that a Royal Artillery officer “had, at the request of the provisional government been giving its forces advice on how to use 18-pounder guns. However, 18-pounders “were not of much value for this kind of fighting” and “heavier ordnance” was needed “against such solid buildings”.

Michael Collins, however, was “not willing to employ it, apparently because the use of such material would require the employment of the regular (ie British) troops”.

Believing that Collins and the provisional government could yet fall to anti-treaty forces, British ministers feared that the delay in seizing the Four Courts could force it to act. “If the British troops had to undertake the task in the end, it would now be much harder and a new plan would have to be formed,” the June 28th minutes record.

Then come the paragraphs that back Creek’s version of events. He says he and his unit were first shipped to Fermanagh and then told to march by night to Dublin.

“Information was received just before the meeting that the provisional government were willing to employ British gunners and to utilise 60-pounder guns,” according to the minutes. Indeed, the Irish were discussing accepting troops.

The provisional government “must be supported in every way, and the operation must not be allowed to fail”, British ministers agreed. Emergency stores of 18-pounder ammunition were to be sent.

A few hours later, British ministers convened again, sending a telegram to Collins: “By all means use the 300 18-pdr high-explosive shells as soon as they arrive, but this will be little use without heavier guns and good gunners. Do not fail to take both. Both are available. It is essential to take the 60-pdr, its gunners and it is ammunition and most desirable to use the six-inch howitzers as well and all together.”

Later that day, the Four Courts was briefly, but heavily, shelled and “the greater part of the building” captured by Collins’s forces, who were now titled Free State, not provisional government, forces.

However, Churchill was concerned about charges in Dublin already circulating that Collins had acted “at the behest” of the British , which had “reacted adversely on public opinion”.

Addressing fellow ministers, he said they should “dwell on the fact that they should avoid any suggestion that the Free State government was acting on British inspiration, and to lay stress on the fact that they have undertaken the task on their own initiatives”.

The cabinet minutes lack a definite declaration that Creek and his men were deployed, but Sheehan believes that, together with Creek’s account, they make a compelling case.”

We now have two eyewitness accounts, that of Frank Carney, a Pro-Treaty IRA and Irish National Army officer, and Percy Creek, a British artilleryman, along with contemporaneous British government papers, all strongly suggesting that the British participated directly in the Battle of the Four Courts in 1922. We also have the numerous claims and rumours reported in Dublin city and elsewhere from this period of British Forces acting on behalf of the Free State government.

The case for the prosecution would seem unanswerable.

Some New Arrivals

New Books – The World That Never Was, The Gaelic Finn Tradition, The Shadow-Walkers, Vanished Kingdoms, Celtic from the West, Weapons and Warfare in Viking and Medieval Dublin

In recent months I have been somewhat remiss in posting no new book reviews on An Sionnach Fionn. This is not for a lack of book purchases but rather a lack of time. The chill winds of recession have well and truly caught up with me and they are cold indeed. Like most people in Ireland outside of the corrupt elites of the Continuity State I find myself running fast to stand still and exhaustion is never that far away. However, as is my wont, I digress from the real purpose of this post: a quick round-up of recent purchases that might interest some of you. Especially with Christmas coming.

Celtic from the West: Alternative Perspectives from Archaeology, Genetics, Language and Literatureedited by Barry Cunliffe and John T. Koch (published by Oxbow Books, 2010)

First off the (printing) blocks is “Celtic from the West: Alternative Perspectives from Archaeology, Genetics, Language and Literature“, a series of essays on the origins of the Celtic peoples edited by professors Barry Cunliffe and John T. Koch. The central thesis of the collection is the long-standing but now increasingly in-vogue suggestion that the Celts gradually emerged as a distinct peoples from the Neolithic communities dwelling in the so-called Atlantic Zone of western Europe during the Late Bronze Age. This new paradigm of course replaces the older and now difficult to sustain theory of a central European origin for the Celts. It presents the Celtic homelands as those self-same countries where the Celtic-speaking peoples are known to have been historically present, with an ultimate source of origin in an even further distant past perhaps somewhere on the Iberian peninsula. This theory of course answers the age old question of when did the Celts come to Ireland, Scotland and Wales with an elegant reply that stems from contemporary archaeological, genetic and linguistic evidence. The Celts never came to the modern Celtic nations because the Celts came from the modern Celtic nations.

Admittedly “Celtic from the West” is for the serious Celtic scholar, lay or otherwise, since it consists of a number of detailed academic studies. The text can be quite densely worded at times, with scholarly terms in profusion, but for those who make the effort it is a thoroughly rewarding and an eye-opening collection, finely produced with numerous colour photographs and illustrations that aid understanding. Unfortunately you must pay for such professional excellence. My copy cost some 45 euros so only purchase it if you are sure you want to engage with such a heavyweight work.

“The Gaelic Finn Tradition” edited by Sharon J. Arbuthnot and Geraldine Parsons (published by Four Courts Press Ltd, 2011)

Another collection of scholarly essays this time covering all aspects of the history, literature and poetry of Fionn mac Cumhaill, the legendary Gaelic hero-figure of Ireland, Scotland and the Isle of Man. This is a relatively unique book since no new studies have been published on Fionn and the Fianna in many decades and the series of thirteen articles brings Fenian studies bang up-to-date with the latest in historical, linguistic, textual and comparative analyses. While many casual readers will find some of it heavy going, and in places scholarly terms and abbreviations fall like rain drops, essays like Kim McCone’s “The Celtic and Indo-European origins of the fian” are an essential read. Unfortunately we have another pricey work here, in my case 50 euros plus shipping. Academic rigour and validity do not come cheap though one certainly wonders if it should come quite so high. With only 288 pages and a handful of dubiously relevant illustrations I had to think long and hard before placing my order. While I’m glad that I did so the high price justifiably gives one pause for thought.

“The Shadow-Walkers: Jacob Grimm’s Mythology of the Monstrous” edited by Tom Shippey (published by Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 2005)

If the name of Tom Shippey sounds familiar to you that should come as no surprise. For the last twenty years he has become synonymous with the publication of studies into the works of the English fantasy writer J.R.R. Tolkien. More than any other person (except perhaps Tolkien’s son Christopher) he has become the scholarly defender of Tolkien’s Middle-earth legendarium against its critics and possibly its greatest proselytizer. However Shippey is also a noted professor of Medieval and Old English literature and it is this expertise that comes to bear in this series of essays by a number of international scholars.

If you wish to investigate the origins of the supernatural races of English and Germanic myth, elves, dwarves, trolls and the like, but with the surety of academic rigour, this is the place to start. Thankfully free of New Age or Wiccan nonsense this large book (at some 433 pages) is very well produced, finely-stitched and bound with long-lasting acid-free paper (which I thoroughly approve of!). The majority of the articles are clearly written, though again the casual reader might find some of it quite challenging. If criticisms could be made one might look to the indexes which are extremely poor, something that will certainly hamper its use for ready referencing. The lack of illustrations that in some places could have broken up the dense text also tell against it.

Naturally Irish literary figures and institutions receive a mention in a book dealing with the Medieval mythologies of the nearest neighbours of the Celts, though at times one wonders about some writers understanding of their Irish source materials (for instance the féinnithe are not the exact same as the díbheargaigh, despite the implications drawn from some early Irish ecclesiastical texts). However, in general, there is very little to question here when it comes to scholarly learning.

One sour note, though, is yet again the hefty price to be paid for all this professional knowledge and guidance. At 63 euros it is very hard to justify the purchase of this book for the ordinary reader and I don’t think I shall even attempt to do so. All I can say is that for me not smoking and drinking has some benefits beyond mere health, not least the health of one’s bank account. Otherwise I’m not sure that I could afford any of the works above.

“Weapons and Warfare in Viking and Medieval Dublin” by Andrew Halpin (published by the National Museum of Ireland, 2008)

Now here is a truly excellent study of military matters in Medieval Ireland that extends well beyond the Scandinavian-Irish city of Baile Átha Cliath or Dublin. Everything you could want to know about warfare in early Ireland is touched upon here, especially in the first few chapters, and it’s safe to say that it will challenge and overturn several preconceptions about Irish, Viking and Norman-British warfare on the island of Ireland. The book, which is in a large format, runs to 269 lavishly illustrated pages and certainly justifies the 35 euro price tag. However this is a work for those interested not just in the broad scope but also in the minutiae of Irish military archaeology as it relates to Dublin city and its environs. If that is for you then you won’t regret the purchase. If not then perhaps you should look elsewhere.

“The World That Never Was: A True Story of Dreamers, Schemers, Anarchists and Secret Agents” by Alex Butterworth (published by Vintage, 2011)

This is a great read. The militant world of revolutionaries, democrats and anarchists in 19th century Europe and North America brought to vivid life. While in places there is a certain glossing over of the subjects, or lack of elucidation, in general this is a thoroughly enjoyable and at times thought-provoking work. My only criticism is the scarcity of Irish references and the author’s unfamiliarity with Ireland’s revolutionary movements, in particular the Fenians (both the Irish Republican Brotherhood and Fenian Brotherhood). However at only 8 euros you can’t go wrong.

“Vanished Kingdoms: The History of Half-Forgotten Europe” by Norman Davies (published by Allen Lane, 2011)

Another great read, as celebrated historian Norman Davies takes us on a grand tour of the “lost” states of European history, from the early Middle Ages right up to the 21st century. At 848 pages you certainly get your money’s worth (11 euros in paperback) in what is a well-written and thoroughly engaging book. The parts of the book dealing with the author’s predictions for the future of the ”UK” make for fascinating reading though, yet again, a lack of familiarity with Irish affairs does make for one of two annoyances.

And that, a chairde, is it for now.

Samhain

Cairn Loch Craobh, Sliabh na Caillí, Loch Craobh, An Mhí, Éire, Meitheamh 2009 (Photo: Séamas Ó Sionnaigh)

Well the sunset in Baile Átha Cliath is less than half-an-hour away and with it comes Samhain or the great festival marking the end of summer and the start of winter in the Celtic calendars of Ireland, Scotland and the Isle of Man (and probably the rest of the Celtic world). The event gives us the (barely) Christianized All Saints’ Day or Halloween and is popularised as the Irish or Celtic New Year in contemporary culture. Whether that was also the original meaning is much debated by academics. Certainly Samhain was one of the four great quarter-festivals of the Gaelic year, alongside Imbolg, Bealtaine and Lúghnasa (or Lúnasa), and one of the two dividing points on the calendar between the winter and summer halves of the year (the other being Bealtaine in May).

Importantly, compared to all the other seasonal celebrations, Samhain was the supernatural festival par excellence. This was the time when the barriers between the two broad worlds that made up the Celtic cosmos, that of gods and men, were lowered or thinned. Though the supernatural could intrude into the natural at any time of the year it was at Samhain that it was fully expected and around which the most Otherworldly tales clustered. In purely practical terms of course, as the commencement of the winter season, it was also the time when communities battened down the hatches and prepared to wait out the increasingly dark and cold days ahead. Cattle and other valuable livestock were brought down from their hillside pastures and placed in pens or fields near the owners homesteads. Winter grazing foods, such as mast, were gathered along with berries and winter fruits. Fences and ditches were repaired, as were roads and trackways.

Warfare came to a halt for several months (in legal theory, anyway) and people tended to stay at home with their families. Not only did Samhain symbolise the end of the summer season it likewise represented the last market festival for some time, at least until Imblog in February, and was a final opportunity to exchange or purchase goods, including harvest surpluses for those lucky enough to have produced them. This also allowed great communal festivities, between kings and their people, where loyalties were renewed and legal disputes settled or placed into arbitration.

Though some would argue that the summer festival of Bealtaine represents a more likely candidate for a “Celtic New Year” the weight of evidence continues to favour Samhain. There are mysteries aplenty to still resolve including the exact meaning of the name (the suggestion that it marked the commencement of the summer in the Otherworld seems unlikely – the domain of the gods was always summer-like regardless of whatever time of the year it was encountered). However the importance of the festival, greater than all its rivals, cannot be disputed.

So to Toghail Bruíne Da Dearga or the “Destruction of the Red God’s Hostel”, one of the most Otherworldy of all Irish tales. The English translation is Whitley Stokes’ 19th century version now published on CELT (the Corpus of Electronic Texts maintained by UCC). Unfortunately it is replete with artificial anachronisms (thou for you, and such like) and quasi-chivalrous overtones which makes it more than a little unrepresentative of the original text. However no other translation is available online and it must suffice. Next year I will try to provide an updated version of this translation (which I promised myself to do this year but at some 60 odd pages of a Word document time did not permit).

As always Jeffrey Gantz’s seminal book Early Irish Myths and Sagas is your best source for a modern, and more earthy, translation of the text.

Folk Memory

The Famine Memorial, Dublin, Ireland

The Famine Memorial, Dublin, Ireland

Here is an interesting article, on genes and memory, from the New York Times:

“I still wonder how I ended up living in a former medieval bordello on the brink of a sandstone cliff on the southern frontier of Spain.

It was 2008, the start of the Andalusian region’s economic meltdown, La Crisis, and anxiety spread like the Black Plague. But from the roof of my apartment in this ancient white pueblo, I plunged back in time.

The other world worried about bills, real estate values, tourism, lost jobs, the immediate future. In contrast, I retreated into my quest, hoping to take new stock of my identity by reclaiming ancestral memories, history and DNA clues that I believe had been faithfully passed down for generations of my family, the Carvajals.

They had left Spain centuries ago, during the Inquisition. That much I knew. We were raised as Catholics in Costa Rica and California, but late in life I finally started collecting the nagging clues of a very clandestine identity: that we were descendants of secret Sephardic Jews — Christian converts known as conversos, or Anusim (Hebrew for the forced ones) or even Marranos, which in Spanish means swine.

History is a part of daily life in the old quarter, where Inquisition trials were staged and neighbors spied on neighbors, dutifully reporting heretics — Christian converts who were secretly practicing Judaism. The former Jewish quarter, where white houses plunge down a steep, silvery lane, is still standing, though unmarked by any street sign. I wanted to understand why my family guarded secret identities for generations with such inexplicable fear and caution. When my aunt died a few years ago, she left instructions barring a priest from presiding over her funeral; my grandmother did the same.

There are scientific studies exploring whether the history of our ancestors is somehow a part of us, inherited in unexpected ways through a vast chemical network in our cells that controls genes, switching them on and off. At the heart of the field, known as epigenetics, is the notion that genes have memory and that the lives of our grandparents — what they breathed, saw and ate — can directly affect us decades later.

Recent studies in Sweden explore the effects of famine and abundant harvests on the health of descendants four generations later. That is not exactly what I am looking for: I’m intrigued by the notion that generations pass on particular survival skills and an unconscious sense of identity that stands the test of centuries.

The French psychologist Anne Ancelin Schützenberger, now in her 90s, has spent decades studying what she calls the ancestor syndrome — that we are links in a chain of generations, unconsciously affected by their suffering or unfinished business until we acknowledge the past.”

I remain sceptical but it’s a fascinating suggestion. How much of modern Ireland is shaped by eight hundred years of colonial struggle and counter-struggle? Politically, culturally, linguistically, economically the answers seem obvious. But beneath that? What are the effects of An Gorta Mór, the Great Famine, on our genes? On how we think, on how we act? Many of us are, after all, the descendants of the survivors of the Irish holocaust. Both in Ireland and elsewhere around the globe.

What would Frank Herbert make of inherited memory now?

Colm Tóibín – Not In My Name

Over the years I’ve slowly come to dislike Colm Tóibín. He is one of that closed group of Irish writers who, along with Roddy Doyle and a few others, apparently represent all that is great and good (and more importantly permitted) in contemporary Irish literature. As long as they write the right things, and make the right cultural and political noises, they will always be guaranteed a place at the top table. I suppose people like myself wouldn’t be in their “demographic”. For a start their representation of Ireland is largely an alien one. To me at least. In Tóibín’s case I’ve read works by him and just shook my head in bemusement. They are just so – anachronistic. Like “Angela’s Ashes” but with greater literary merit. All that pseudo-psychological Roman Catholic navel gazing coupled with reams and reams of paragraphs analyzing confessional guilt and sexual repression. Well… it’s all just bollocks really, isn’t it?

That’s not my Ireland. Certainly not the one I grew up in, or lived in. And while I’m not old, I’m certainly no kid. Maybe it’s an ideological thing? After all Tóibín is writing for his readership. They have their views of Ireland and Irishness and those views must be echoed and reinforced if success – and celebrity – is to be maintained. His fans are Ireland’s Seonín elite and the like. The like being the British (or certain Americans who prefer their cultural packages in familiar uniformity for easy digestion). That is why he writes what he does. One must measure one’s words to the prejudices and expectations of one’s audience.

So, only an “Irish” author like Colm Tóibín could utter this fatuous nonsense in the pages of the right-wing British newspaper, the Daily Telegraph:

“During the Queen’s historic visit to the Republic of Ireland last year, Tóibín was given the job of introducing her to 10 writers and editors. “The level of her politeness was great. Before her visit I was consulted by the British Embassy about what [the visit] would mean and what it should look like. It was interesting to sit with them and say, ‘Look, there is no downside in this. This is as good as the British are going to get. Her visit is not a problem, it is a solution.’”

Was he comfortable with her decision to bow her head at Dublin’s Garden of Remembrance, given that it is dedicated to the memory of “all those who gave their lives in the cause of Irish Freedom”, in other words the IRA?

“We are embarrassed about that place here. It is ugly because it is used to commemorate people of violence. We came to like the garden less than the people in England did because it had more potential to destabilise our society than yours. You don’t have a problem with having members of Sinn Féin in your parliament. We do.”

Are we embarrassed, Colm? Are we really? Or is it just a small, unrepresentative Seoníní minority like yourself who are embarrassed. Is that who you speak of with your royal “we”? And for whom was the solution? The Irish people as a whole or a small minority with, um, loyalties elsewhere.

“People of violence”? The language of a political infant.

What is wrong with elected members of Sinn Féin being in An Dáil? Are you sure it isn’t uncontrolled democracy that you have a problem with, Colm? After all it was democracy that got them there in the first place. From the people, of the people. Not through the corrupt imprimatur of the amoral business and media elites.

As I said. I dislike Colm Tóibín. And every time he opens his mouth I am more and more confirmed in that.

Who Dares To Speak? Morality Versus Venality In Modern Ireland

The Irish “Twin Towers” – The GPO, Dublin, Destroyed By British Occupation Forces, 1916

What other nation in Europe would have such little regard for its history? What other nation in Europe would be so willing, so eager, to destroy the physical embodiments of its identity?

The community campaign to thwart the destruction of the 1916 Battlefield Quarter of Dublin City centre continues, as it has done for the last several years, with no end in sight as it struggles against the unrelenting nihilism of Ireland’s political and business cabals. Now a new documentary from TG4, Iniúchadh – Oidhreacht na Cásca, investigates allegations that Dublin City Council abused its powers to procure the site for the development company Treasury Holdings and more incredibly that an unprecedented secret agreement was signed between Dublin City Council management and the developer Joe O’ Reilly of Chartered Land, an agreement made without the knowledge of the city’s elected councillors.

From the Irish Times:

“Dublin City Council should be the first to investigate allegations of wrongdoing between the council and developers of the historic 1916 site in Moore Street, Minister for Education Ruairí Quinn has told the Dáil.

Sinn Féin deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald called for Government action following allegations of what she called “backstairs deals” between officials in the council and a developer, to the advantage of that builder.

The allegations were made last night in a TG4 documentary, Iniúchadh – Oidhreacht na Cásca, about the proposed development of the Moore Street area, where the leaders of the 1916 Rising met for the last time and signed the surrender.

Calling for Government action, Ms McDonald described the allegations in the programme as “one of the biggest planning scandals” in the State.

The “vandalism” of the site through the development of a shopping centre could not go ahead without the say so of Minister for Heritage Jimmy Deenihan, and she said the matter had been on his desk for months.”

Na Fianna – A Rough Edit

Something that might interest a few of you, a rough draft of a piece on the Fianna, the early Irish and Scottish version that is. I have lots to add in here, not least some of the information to be drawn from a couple of new fianna and Fionn-related academic titles I’ve read recently.

As I said, the result of a single dash of writing in the last hour, so don’t take it as gospel – just yet ;-)