One of the last monolingual Irish-speakers in Ireland being interviewed by the British historian Michael Wood for his 1985 BBC documentary ”In Search of the Trojan War”. Does he look like a member of an “affluent, Mercedes-driving, latté-sipping, urban, Gaelic-speaking elite”? Or the last survivor of a people driven to the point of near-extinction? A point, perhaps, for the next Anglophone supremacist bigot you encounter.
RTÉ vs. TG4
Here’s an interesting snippet from the ever-vigilant NAMA Wine Lake. Guess which TV station was the only television broadcaster in Ireland to make a profit in 2011? Not the country’s official “national” broadcaster RTÉ, which ran up losses totalling some €70 million, despite broadcasting little beyond a diet of cheap overseas programming (with €351 million in revenue for 2011 one wonders where all that money went…? Actually one doesn’t since one know’s perfectly well where a large chunk of it went). And certainly not the British-owned tabloid channel TV3 whose dubious strategy for success has centred on becoming an über-trash “ITV Ireland“. It lost nearly €7 million euros in 2011, no doubt irritating quite a few hedge-fund managers back in London. In fact the only TV company to produce anything resembling a gain was none other than “minority” TV station, TG4, which generated €109,000 from an operating budget of €32 million.
Not much you say? Paltry, even? Perhaps. But it wasn’t a €70 million euro loss. A loss equal to one-third of a full year’s TV licence fee payments (or more than double TG4′s total annual budget).
One might argue that if it wasn’t for the vested interests in RTÉ and elsewhere the Irish state would have turned over English language broadcasting in the country to the private sector decades ago. And the politicians might even have done things right and established real regulations guaranteeing responsible ownership and quality of output for non-public broadcasters. We might then have allowed the “national” broadcaster to be what it should always have been – an Irish language broadcaster. This would have created the space for private broadcasters and overseas media providers to fulfil the market need for English language television and radio in Ireland while the public sector provided what the market wouldn’t – TV and radio programming in Irish.
An RTÉ network with two television channels and three radio stations and a state-funded (but independently administrated) budget of €300 million would not only be value for money but actually serve the purpose and spirit of public service broadcasting. Instead what we have now is a mess: a dog’s dinner of a mess that stinks to high heaven. A bloated whale of incestuous back-rubbing represented by RTÉ (which is increasingly indistinguishable from either the BBC or ITV in terms of actual shows broadcast), two foreign-owned, entirely-for-profit trash TV channels, TV3 and 3e, that pump out visual excrement with impunity, and TG4 which almost single-handedly is propping up indigenous television-production in Ireland, particularly in the independent sector, and actually attempting to fulfil its public service mandate.
Or is all this common sense way too radical for the conservative elites that lord it up in Television Centre and Leinster House?
We’ll have none of that Irish shite here! You’re Irish! So speak English! (Íomhá: An Timire)
Below is the list of motions dealing with the Irish language to be debated at this year’s Sinn Féin party convention or Ard-Fheis in Castlebar, County Mayo. Note the anodyne wording and the general failure to couch the motions in terms of the civil and constitutional rights of Irish-speaking citizens in Ireland. Also note the lack of real and substantive policies, particularly in the areas of legislation, to create a truly bilingual Irish state (let alone a monolingual Irish-speaking one).
The misspelling of Ard-Fheis as “Ard Fheis” is in the original (which say’s it all really):
“This Ard Fheis recognises:
- That the ‘20-Year Strategy for the Irish Language 2010-30’ is not being properly implemented;
- That there are continuing attacks by the Government in the South on the Irish language and the Gaeltacht, including on essential institutions such as on Oifig an Choimisinéara Teanga and COGG;
- The hard work of Minister of Culture Arts and Leisure Carál Ní Chuilín on a strategy for the development of Irish in the North;
- That the creation of an Irish Language Act in the North is an outstanding commitment from the St Andrews Agreement.
This Ard Fheis agrees:
- That it is necessary to recognise the Irish language and the Gaeltacht community as stakeholders in the implementation of the ’20-Year Strategy for the Irish Language’;
- There will be the need to adapt the two strategies to bring about an all-Ireland Irish-language strategy.
This Ard Fheis call for:
- The Government in the South to put together a high-level structure, including representation from the community organisations, the department, COGG, Údarás, Fóras and language experts, which would be responsible for giving direction to the Government regarding the of implementation in the ’20-Year Strategy for the Irish Language 2010-30’;
- Sinn Féin to seek a high-level structure in the North, with similar structure and representation, which would be responsible for giving direction to the Executive for language planning and strategy;
- in light of the success of the Liofa 2015 campaign, calls for a renewed dialogue with unionist parties on Irish language rights, including the creation of an Irish Language Act;
- An all-island Irish-language and Gaeltacht action plan rooted in the language policy of the party that will be brought forward in consultation with the Irish-language and the Gaeltacht community and which will build on the recommendations of the ‘Comprehensive Study on the Use of Irish in the 20-Year Strategy for the Irish Language’, and the strategy for the Irish language in the Six Counties, and the recommendations of the sector itself.
Grúpa Parlaiminteach na 26 Contae agus Grúpa Parlaiminteach na 6 Chontae
Motion 238
This Ard Fheis condemns the attitude of the Government in the South towards the Irish language, particularly the decision to amalgamate the Office of the Language Commissioner with the Office of the Ombudsman, and the elimination of elections to the Údarás na Gaeltachta.
This Ard Fheis recognises:
- That the ‘20-year Strategy for the Irish Language’ is not being applied as it should;
- The excellent work undertaken by Minister for Culture, Arts and Leisure Carál Ní Chuilín with the Líofa campaign and her support for the Irish language in general.
This Ard Fheis declares:
- That we are diametrically opposed to Fine Gael’s proposal that Irish not be taught as a core subject for the Leaving Certificate;
- The Irish Government should adopt Líofa as an all-Ireland campaign;
- That it is essential for the Government in South to begin to implement the ‘20-Year Strategy’ immediately and that the funding be provided for this.
Coiste Náisiúnta Óige
Motion 239
This Ard Fheis commends the efforts of the Minister for Culture, Arts and Leisure Carál Ní Chuilín to ensure that the Irish language is accessible to all sections of the community through the Líofa 2015 campaign.
Derry City Comhairle Ceantair
Motion 240
This Ard Fheis calls on Minister for the Environment Phil Hogan to direct all local authorities to adopt a pro-Irish signage policy, such as that in Galway City and county councils amongst others, so that street names and housing estates be given Irish-language names in future.
Galway West Comhairle Ceantair“
Blah, blah, blah…
Whatever Sinn Féin may be they are no Parti Québécois. And the above is no Charte de la langue française.
A few quick posts, a chairde.
British Unionist censorship in Scotland
First up the Edinburgh Coffee House features a number of images that illustrate the actions taken by some in the British Unionist “Better Together” campaign to censor their Nationalist opponents in the upcoming referendum on Scottish independence:
“Is it just me or are things starting to get sinister? Websites being closed and bloggers being intimidated is something we might expect in China or Iran, but not in the UK. As well as being deeply worrying for a country that even post-Leveson purports to value a free press, it could prove disastrous for Better Together. They are already the force of the establishment, the union and the conservative party – a distant coalition of privilege and vested interests. Faced with a young, diverse and progressive independence movement the unionists are fighting back like the rich and powerful always fight back – with intimidation, legality and sheer bullying arrogance.”
Next up we have the Devil’s Agency and an interesting look at the revolutionary and counter-revolutionary rhetoric and propaganda surrounding the Irish Civil War and how its still shapes and influences opinions to the present day. The post also touches upon the works of the controversial historian Eunan O’Halpin of which I will write more next week.
“Something that has piqued my interest about Irish civil war historiography is its skewed nature and lack of context. The more thorough reading of the secondary material that my current work has involved has made the reason clear. Many historians refuse to engage with anti-treaty arguments on their own terms. Very few historians are not affected by pro-treaty propaganda, its scapegoating of individuals and groups (such as women and socialists) and especially its success in depoliticising the core arguments.
Yet, having only glanced at some of the many anti-treaty newspapers, pamphlets, leaflets, cartoons and posters in a rich and increasingly accessible body of sources, it is clear that there was a coherent and logical opposition to the treaty which was based on serious reservations about partition, empire, the rights of workers and the political stance of the Catholic church.”
I’m probably one the biggest fans of Ireland’s Come Here To Me blog and it is easy to see why when they feature fascinating snippets of Dublin history like this: The soldier who was eaten alive by rats in Christ Church Cathedral!
Meanwhile from today’s Oirish Independent newspaper, a few lines from an article by regular right-wing mouthpiece Ian O’Doherty:
“By the time I left school I had learned certain crucial things which would stand me in good stead in later life – an aversion to the Irish language and all forms of religion were also joined by a dislike of Gaelic football and other such rural pursuits.”
Yes, Ian, because only people in rural Ireland speak Irish and play Gaelic games! Oh well, I suppose if O’Doherty can indulge his moronic fantasies in the areas of culture and sports we should hardly be surprised when he applies them to the area of science too. What’s this he writes?
“… global warming nutters”
Hmmm. Well I think we know who the nutter is here…
The truth in the headlines
“Irish language schools targeted over restrictive entrance rules”
So screams the headline in today’s Anti-Irish Independent newspaper. In the follow-up article we are told that:
“ANY Gaelscoil that refuses entry to prospective students if they do not speak Irish at home will have to change its approach under new enrolment rules.
Education Minister Ruairi Quinn has expressed concern about restrictive practices at some all-Irish schools, which are prohibiting some pupils from entry.”
And the evidence for these alleged restrictive practices?
“Yesterday, Mr Quinn said he was “concerned that in some cases, Gaelcholaiste have indicated to some applicant parents that unless the language at home is ‘as Gaeilge’ that they would not be inclined to accept a pupil for a place in a Gaelcholaiste”"
Wow. Such damning proof of the wicked ways of the Irish-speaking population of Ireland. How could anyone even begin to challenge the obvious truth of a statement laden with such absolute words as “some“, “indicated” and “inclined“? No anti-Irish hyperbole there.
Don’t worry though in case you are missing your daily dose of hate. The Anglobigots have plenty to contribute in the Comments beneath:
“Tony Dalton: It’s called ‘white flight’. If you do not believe this, take a look at the overall Gaelscoileanna website and than all the associated websites (for individual Gelscoileanna) and answer honestly what you see in relation to ethnic mix in comparison to the schools that are located near any Gaelscoil.
I am Irish and my native language is English and English has been our family language for at least five generations. Indeed, there are many languages that pre-date Gaelic in Ireland. You would do well to look up the definition of ‘native’ language.
I suppose you want the 98% of our citizens who have English as their native and national language to move across the water? Ironically, most of the Gaeliban like your ilk are first to head to England when there are no jobs here and are more than willing to take money with the royal head emblazoned on it. What a muppet you are.
Why do you Gaeliban bother using English? Why not just confine your limited ablities to Foinse and Gaelsceal?”
Ah yes, “there are many languages that pre-date Gaelic in Ireland“. A pearl of wisdom there from the David Icke school of history. One wonders, does the writer believe that Irish-speakers are actually 3 metre tall alien lizards?
“Didillusioned: What in heavens name do they think they are trying to do to children. Like it or not, the Irish language is an irrelevancy, and it is this writers opinion that any parent who chooses to have their children educated through Irish are doing them (their children) a disservice. Being realistic, time would be better spent teaching children to speak proper English and in giving elocution lessons. The standard of English spoken is deplorable, as are most regional accents. Most Irish accents are grating on the nerves and proper enunciation of the spoken work would be far better and more relevant in the modern world. Then of course when all of that is achieved, there are the continental and other world languages.
You sir are a fanatic, and, it is the likes of you that keep Ireland in the dark ages.”
So, Irish-speaking men and women are child abusers? Sounds familiar.
“SamVin: Tied in with compulsory Irish for state jobs Gaelscoileanna look like another subtle form of ethnic cleansing.”
More history (and facts) from the fringe there. Though the Irish-speaking population of the island of Ireland and ethnic cleansing do go together. As in the former suffering the latter. No doubt our Anglophone supremacist friends above remember those times with heart-warming fondness.
The origins of the Celts in western Europe – the ancient Atlantic homeland of the Celtic-speaking peoples
For the last century and more historians have believed that the homeland of the Celtic-speaking peoples lay in central Europe and from there they spread across the continent in several waves of migration bringing their language, culture and way of life to almost every corner of the European landmass. The Celts, we were told, originated in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age communities of southern Germany and northern Austria and this became the default reading of early Celtic and indeed early European history.
However there is problem with all this. Why? Because the theory is wrong and has been suspected or known to be wrong in professional academic circles for decades.
The homelands of the Celtic-speaking peoples were never in central Europe. They were in the one place where Celtic-speakers have always been known to exist and where some still do exist: north-western and western Europe. The modern nations and territories of Ireland, Scotland, Wales, the Isle of Man, Cornwall, England, Brittany, western France, Spain and Portugal formed the historic heartland of the Celts – and their ancient place of origin.
The BBC has news on a new three-year project to trace the origins of the Celtic peoples, including an interview with Professor John Koch, who points out the failure of the old theories to explain the origin of the Celtic-speaking nations.
Local Property Tax form and booklet – no taxation without representation!
So the documentation for the latest state-sponsored extortion racket has arrived in the post under the guise of the Local Property Tax. However the information is entirely in the English language. I’m sorry, but where is the Irish language text? What happened to the regulations in force under the Official Languages Act of 2003? Where is the bilingual Irish and English documentation that has become the norm over the last decade? Even the website of the Property Services Regulatory Authority is in English only.
Is that legal?
Irish-speakers are tax-payers too. So, if for no other reason, when it comes to the Local Property Tax – no taxation without representation!
The Property Services Regulatory Authority – but where is the Irish?
Meanwhile, the next venue for the Pirates of Taxation? From the NAMA Wine Lake:
“Might the government reach into your deposit accounts for a levy?
…in the past week Labour’s chairman of the Oireachtas finance committee Ciaran Lynch and Fine Gael’s jobs minister, Richard Bruton have both indicated that a levy on sub-€100k could be on the cards despite the existence of the sub-€100k guarantee. There seems to be a feeling that the guarantee only applies if a bank is allowed to go bust, but if there was an intervention before the bank was actually liquidated then all depositors including those with sub-€100k deposits would face “levies” despite the existence of the deposit guarantee scheme. Minister Bruton said on radio today that Cyprus imposing a levy on sub-€100k deposits was “in the remit” of the Cypriot government. The experience of this Government taking €1.88bn from private pensions between 2011-2014 to fund the Jobs Initiative (mostly the reduction in VAT on certain services), would also make you ill-at-ease that the Government would regard as sacred the guarantee for sub-€100k depositors.”
Read the full article for the background to the story (and to understand why the sale of cash-boxes and home-safes in Ireland have risen significantly over the last two years).
English versus An Ghaeilge
So I took a few days break away from An Sionnach Fionn. Not to celebrate Saint Patrick’s Day, you understand, which to be honest is a festival that I have little regard for. My own form of Irishness has more in common with the Feis na Samhna than the Féile Phádraig. Rather I simply sought some rest and recuperation after fending off a torrent of abuse stemming from my highlighting of the (almost certainly illegal) arrest and detention of a young citizen of Ireland by the Gardaí (police) in Dublin for answering in the Irish language to a question put to him in the English language. As his description of the incident to the Language Commissioner makes clear, he was made to feel (English translation):
“…shamed and insulted and I was told several times that I did not have a right to conduct business through Irish, that I should desist and that I would not have been arrested if I hadn’t spoken in Irish. It was approximately one hour from the time of my arrest to my release but I felt under threat and nervous all the time. I am convinced that I was arrested for speaking Irish and for that reason alone. Their excuse was that I was refusing to give them my licence but that was not true at all. I am very disappointed, angry and upset about what happened and about the lack of respect and the infringement of my rights…”
The Gardaí who arrested the man and kept him in handcuffs during the incident were of the opinion that:
“…those who wished to conduct their business through Irish should be treated
in the same way as “foreign nationals”…”
I’m not sure what that say’s about how members of An Garda Síochána view non-Irish nationals but it certainly says a lot about how they view Irish-speaking Irish nationals. But then they have plenty of supporters in that view. Just take prominent newspaper columnist Declan Lynch in the Irish Independent:
“…Irish is not part of what we are… And it never will be part of what we are…
They have tried everything, including torture.
The only thing they haven’t tried is laying off the bullshit for a while, and abandoning their insane policies of compulsion… And if it doesn’t work, that’s all right too.
They can start the beatings again.”
So Irish-speakers, by the virtue of speaking their indigenous language, are torturers and abusers?
That brings to mind many of the Comments left under my previous post by some of the more militant anglophone zealots out there which shocked so many new and regular readers (while of course leaving many others with a feeling of resigned familiarity):
“Gaelic is a backward primitive language a barbarian language from barbarian times. That is reflected in the culture and mindset of those who speak it. The militant Gael who runs this site is an obvious throwback to the violent low intelligent ancestors of most Gaelic speakers.”
“I have never spoken Irish and never will. I hate it and I hate you bog savages who speak it… When you are not speaking your Irish you are busy raping your daughters. That is what being an Irish speaker is about. Look at the Abos in Australia. Drunken violent cretins…”
One wonders how far this has to go before someone somewhere will be effected by this subliminally violent propaganda in a way far worse than simple institutional or social discrimination? Does the powerful anglophone elite that dominates the media in Ireland wish to create a climate in this country where Irish-speakers are in the same position as the Jews were in 1930s’ Germany? That Irish-speaking citizens and communities in Ireland are so demonized, so stripped of humanity, that they become the scapegoats for all of Ireland’s cultural, social and economic ills?
Éire in chains
Following on from my post examining the scandal of a young Irish man arrested and detained in handcuffs by the Gardaí (police) in Dublin for answering in Irish to a question put to him in English by a Garda, here is a recent story from Brian Ó Broin, a professor of linguistics, medieval literature and Irish studies at William Paterson University, New Jersey, on the casualness of anti-Irish discrimination in Ireland:
“While hurrying for an American departure in Dublin Airport last week I heard the latecomers being paged on the terminal intercom. Reaching the gate several seconds later I humorously chided the gate agent for forgetting to call my name. “No,” she said, “I saw your name, but it was in Irish, so I left it out.”
I made my flight, and no damage done, but I returned to America amazed that casual acts of discrimination like this can still occur in Ireland without apology or consequence. Would the gate agent still have a job if she applied this policy to names in German?”
Ah, the joys of being a “non-person” in 21st century Ireland.
Just ask Irish Independent journo and professional Irish-hater Declan Lynch. He can tell the real Oirish from the Gaels when he sees ‘em! And thank God we have RTÉ, Ireland’s national public service broadcaster, to give airtime to the not-at-all-prejudiced views expressed so vigorously by so many Irish people journalists.
Eoin Ó Catháin has some more views on the increasingly strident anti-Irish sentiment being publicly expressed in Ireland here.
Update 11.00: To the guys from the same four or five IP addresses who keep trying to post abusive (and frankly racist) Comments don’t bother. I allow the vast majority of views and opinions on An Sionnach Fionn without interference or censure. However there is a line and you people are going well beyond it. If you oppose the Irish language and culture, and the rights of Irish-speaking citizens in Ireland to equal treatment with their English speaking peers, then make your case. I have no problem with a contrary argument, no matter how objectionable to me personally. However sinking to the level of hate-speech will get you nowhere.
Update 13.00: And here comes Squire Myers of Ballyshoeneen with his studiously gratuitous anti-Irish rant. At least I know where the anglophone fundamentalists leaving Comments on An Sionnach Fionn pick up their lexicon of discriminatory words and phases. “Young chimps” is it?
Patty Hearst in front of the insignia of the Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA)
Andrew S. Loveland has an interesting post over on The Frumious Bandersnatch examining the famous (if exceptional) psychological condition known as the Stockholm Syndrome:
“In 1973, Jan-Erik Olsson and Clark Olofsson entered the Kreditbanken premises in Stockholm fully intending to relieve the bank of it’s coffers. The heist failed miserably and the men subsequently took three females and one male employee hostage. The Swedish clerks were kept for six days in a vault during which time they were frequently held at gunpoint and on several occasions were asked to place nooses about their necks and strap bombs to their bodies.
Despite the trauma of such events, when the attempt to free them came, the four hostages fought with their captors against the police. Upon their release one of the hostages even went so far as to set up a fund for the hostage takers’ legal fees.
The rather bewildering response to this incident from the victims led to the term ‘Stockholm Syndrome’ being coined by the Swedish criminologist and psychiatrist, Nils Bejerot during a news broadcast following the events as a nation sought to come to terms with what they had witnessed.
Despite the number of high profile cases however, there remains to be found a coherent and consensus agreement on precisely what criteria needs be met before Stockholm Syndrome can emerge. Several traits ought to be present in any case,
- a severely uneven power relationship whereby the captor dictates what can/cannot be done by the victim
- a perceived threat, either real or imagined, at the hands of the captor
- occasional kindnesses shown by the captors toward the victim
- isolation of perspectives other than that of the captor
- a perceived inability, either real or imagined, to escape
Reviewing the list above however, I am more than content to posit the idea that Scotland presently is experiencing something of a societal Stockholm Syndrome, a creeping sentiment that has gradually but inexorably stolen into our nation’s psyche.”
The full article is well worth reading as Loveland uses this paradigm to explore the current state of Nationalist and Unionist politics in contemporary Scotland. However the concept of a “national” Stockhom Syndrome also has some applicability for us here in Ireland, not least in describing the obsessional relationship many Irish people have with our nearest neighbour – and former colonial masters – in Britain. And latterly, of course, the EU. For one of the characteristics of the syndrome is the fanatical need of the victim to be accepted by the victimiser as an equal. To be like them. Indeed, to be one of them. In the process the captive abandons their own identity and adopts that of the captive-taker.
Scúp – TG4
First up a review in the Irish Times of the new TG4/BBC co-production, the comedy-drama “Scúp”, penned by Irish author and screenwriter Colin Bateman (the man behind the mid-2000s BBC hit “Murphy’s Law”):
“From reporters having to beg for their salaries to the canny deployment of question marks in headlines to see off libel accusations, Scúp, TG4’s new drama about a Belfast Irish-language weekly paper, hits some amusingly accurate notes in its depiction of a local newsroom.
Given most television portrayals of journalists fall several broadsheets-in-a-row wide of the mark, it’s no surprise that Scúp is the creation of a former journalist.”
Second is a heads-up for Sibéal Davitt’s invitation to experience some Trip-nós at the Culture Box in Templebar, on the 14th of March. And if you’re wondering what Trip-nós is:
“Trip-nós – it’s disco but not as you know it. Experience a completely unique dance experiment mixing Ireland’s indigenous ‘sean-nós’ dance with contemporary disco-inspired moves. Trip-nós is a live performance / workshop mixing sean-nós and contemporary dance with electronic music.
How does it work? It’s simple. First the Trip-Nós gang do their thaaang and then participants must choose which style of dance they would like to ‘represent’. They will then learn four steps or more in their preferred style which will be categorised in numbers 1-4. Finally the two groups must battle it out in an 80’s themed dance-off and… hey presto… Trip-Nós is born! Expect some belters including the epic ‘Inspector Norse’ …yeah, you know what I’m talkin’ bout!
There’s only room for 30 people so register here.”
Tayto as Gaeilge – Cáis agus Oinniún
Now there’s a mashup! Talking of which the Oirish Sun, model Roz Lipsett, Tayto and An Ghaeilge:
“Yesterday Tayto crisps launched a limited edition 1980s-inspired pack ‘as Gaeilge’ to promote the language. Model and Gaeilgeoir ROZ LIPSETT, 27, showcased the retro package.
Here she talks about why her native tongue is so important to her.
I ABSOLUTELY love that I can speak Irish, it’s something I’m very proud of and something I’m very privileged to have.
I went to a regular English-speaking primary school but in sixth class my parents sent to me to Colaiste na Rinne in Waterford, which is a strict Irish-only school. At the time I was horrified at having to leave my friends and move from Dublin to Waterford as a boarder.
But now I know my family did me a huge favour and I’m still friends with loads of the guys I met in An Rinn.
Irish was always my best subject in school. My family are all Gaeilgeoirs so they always spoke Irish at home. They are from Mayo and they have a very proud Irish tradition.
By the time I was leaving An Rinn I was fluent. Now, any opportunity I get, I will start waffling on in Irish, it feels very natural to me and I just really enjoy speaking it”
“TG4’s ‘Lorg na gCos: Súil Siar ar Mise Éire’, which concerns the making of Irish masterpiece ‘Mise Éire’ (an examination of Irish society in the years surrounding the 1916 Rising) has been nominated for a Focal award recognising excellence in archive films.
The documentary, which translates as ‘Finding The Footprints – A Look Back At Mise Éire’ has been recognised in the category for ‘Best Use of Footage in an Arts Production’ at the 10th annual Focal International Awards, set to take place in London on 2 May.”
And a view of Irish from the United States.
Sign in County Down, Ireland, with English, Irish and Irish-Scots text
A quick post to highlight one of the best language and culture blogs in Ireland. Since 2009 the Blether Region has been posting forthright views on the languages of the north of Ireland and their complex interactions with history, society, technology and politics in that part of the country. Some of the most interesting (and well written) articles on Irish, English and Irish-Scots that I have read have been posted by the Scots Anorak and the site certainly deserves more exposure. So here it is!
Scúp – TG4
Three quick posts on TG4, the real public service broadcaster in Ireland, all from IFTN (the Irish Film & Television Network). Colin Bateman is a well-known Irish novelist and dramatist behind such media hits as Divorcing Jack (the book and movie) and the long-running BBC television crime drama Murphy’s Law. He now has a new eight-part drama on TG4, Scúp, his first work produced in the Irish language which has stirred up a considerable media and on-line buzz. I missed the first episode due to work commitments (don’t ask!) but so far the reviewers are impressed. You can watch the opening episode here.
Promo below
In related news another TG4 drama series, An Bronntanas, is in pre-production and is scheduled to start shooting soon. What makes it stand out from the TG4 drama crowd is the starring role of American actor John Finn, who is probably better known as the lead character Lieutenant John Stillman in the hit US police procedural series Cold Case. Finn is a fluent Irish speaker having learned the language in the United States and appeared in a 2005 on-air-promo of the Cold Case series for TG4 that became an early online viral hit.
Finally a reminder that Ireland’s best television channel manages to produce an unrivalled range of domestic programming on a budget of just €32 million (roughly 20% of RTÉ’s annual budget).
Fine Gael under pressure to promote English
Not the story you might think but the headline seems appropriate enough… 
The only culture the British Unionist minority in Ireland recognises is their own
The Detail has a lengthy article based on an original investigation by Meon Eile examining allegations of anti-Irish polices being pursued by the DUP’s Arlene Foster, the minister for enterprise in the regional executive in the North of Ireland. Cadogan Enright, a well-known independent councillor on Down District Council, has accused Foster of “…going off on what I can only call an anti-Irish crusade within her department, which is manifestly illegal” (something which Councillor Cadogan has highlighted before). The “anti-Irish” campaign allegedly waged by Arlene Foster and her Unionist colleagues turns, this time, on the issue of bilingual Irish-English tourist information signs in the north-east of Ireland.
“A BAN on the Irish language being used in tourism signs appears to be heading for the courts amid allegations that the authority responsible, the NI Tourist Board [NITB] is providing no rational explanation for it.
A row has erupted over the issue in recent months, with Down District Council being forced to accept English-only signs for its tourist signs project before the Tourist Board would hand over the funding needed.
But the Irish language website Meon Eile has learnt that the civil liberties group, the Committee on the Administration of Justice has intervened, saying it believes the board’s position is unlawful and that months of correspondence on the subject have failed to elicit any valid explanation for the ban.
CAJ Deputy Director Daniel Holder has also rejected as “absurd” a suggestion from the board that bilingual signs could present a road safety hazard.
Mr Holder was also informed in correspondence with NITB Chief Executive Alan Clarke that the ban was a result of a Ministerial Direction – the suggestion being that this had come from Enterprise Minister, Arlene Foster.
However Mrs Foster’s department has denied that there has been any direction – as did the Tourist board itself. But DETI has told us that Mrs Foster is content with the board’s policy on signs and has reiterated in recent correspondence that it should be adhered to.
A long-running wrangle with Down District Council on the subject ended last month with the council agreeing “under duress” to progress with its £1m tourism signage project in English only in order to get the £200,000 grant from NITB needed to get the scheme under way.
This latest row has again brought the issue of an Irish Language Act, promised in the Good Friday Agreement but which never materialised, to the fore.
Janet Muller, chief executive of the Belfast-based campaign group Pobal strongly believes that bilingual signage should be allowed and that this debate follows a series of problems between NITB and local councils. Ms Muller believes NITB do not understand its legal obligations to accommodate the Irish speaking community. She believes NITB’s ‘English only’ policy breaches the law under both the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages, which is to protect traditional place names, and also the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities.
Independent councillor Cadogan Enright and Sinn Féin’s councillor Éamonn Mac Con Midhe believe that the erection of bilingual signage would show respect for the community as well as being in keeping with the bilingual policy. They mention the many Irish language schools within the community and how the refusal of bilingual signage is discriminating against families, students, teachers and tourists.”
The political leaders of the British Unionist minority in Ireland demand respect for “their” flag while busily erasing the history and language of the country they live in so that not even the landscape is our own.
What is that but colonialism?
Tiocfaidh Ár Phéig
An article in the Irish Times by Seán Tadgh Ó Gairbhí examining the reaction of people in Ireland to the texting in the Irish language by the Canadian astronaut Chris Hadfield is well worth reading. As are the many Comments underneath. Some are positive. Some are simply depressing.
“On Monday night, Chris Hadfield became the nation’s favourite Canadian astronaut when he tweeted a picture of Ireland from space accompanied by a message in Irish – “Tá Éire fíorálainn!”
In charming us with a few judiciously chosen words of our native tongue, the commander was following the recent example of two more illustrious foreigners.
In May 2011, the Queen of England left our then president Mary McAleese open-mouthed in disbelief with a majestically delivered “Go raibh maith agat” and, just a few days later, Barack Obama had a crowded College Green in raptures with that riff on his can-do battle cry for the ages, “Is féidir linn”.
It appears that the sound of a stranger speaking Irish gives us a fuzzy feeling of self-worth, a feeling not to be had from, say, speaking Irish ourselves.
“Wow, I can feel the warmth of the Irish all the way up here. . .” Hadfield later tweeted, adding a “go raibh maith agaibh!” that ensured there was more Irish used in the International Space Station this week than most Irish people would use in a year.
Still, there was something genuine about the affection for the language evident in the response to Hadfield. Maybe this was because the commander’s tweet, for all its otherworldliness, was more authentic than either Obama’s or the banríon’s cúpla focal.
Meanwhile, in a galaxy not so far away called the Gaeltacht, Irish is dying as the language of the home and community. It is dying because that is what usually happens to languages like Irish, but it is also dying because of official neglect and a failure to take the measures needed to save it.
The most recent study in this area suggested that unless radical action was taken, Irish had only 15 to 20 years left as the primary community language in even the strongest Gaeltacht areas.
That was in 2007.
In response, three years later, in 2010, the last government published a 20-year strategy for the language. Three years on and the present Government has been slow in implementing that strategy. Instead, it has diluted what was already an overly aspirational plan by making several decisions that undermine it.
It is difficult to ascertain how many people really care about the preservation of Irish as no government has been willing to take a political gamble that the type of affection provoked by Hadfield’s tweet might be sincere.
This is despite the existence of plenty of earthly evidence that proves a considerable majority of us have a favourable attitude to Irish.
Would the public support a radical, well-resourced plan to save the Irish language? Would such a plan work? We might never know. Because it seems that, to adapt the tagline from the movie Alien, in the Gaeltacht, nobody can hear you scream.”
Exactly that sort of “gamble” was taken in Québec thirty-six years ago when the Parti Québécois provincial government introduced the Charter of the French Language (La charte de la langue française) in August of 1977. At the time of its introduction it was widely accepted in Québec and Canada that French would soon be a minority language, a language that would almost certainly disappear from the North American continent within the next 50 years. However the Charter and the positive attitudes engendered by its application reversed that situation. By 2011 the number of French-speaking citizens had soared to 80% of the population of Québec with a further 14% reporting various degrees of fluency as non-native speakers.
In Ireland the Irish language has the unique legal position under Article 8.1 of the Constitution of being both the national and first official language of the state. In contrast under Article 8.2 the English language is accorded the lesser status of being simply a second official language. However the primary position of Irish is undermined by the anomalous Article 8.3 which permits the state to conduct any and all official business through either of the two official languages. Which is why we currently have a de facto English state in Ireland rather than an Irish one since the English language has always been the default option preferred by the political establishment.
One way we could change this situation is through an amendment of Article 8.3 of the Constitution, as I argued here. A carefully worded and thought-out amendment making Irish the default language of the state (which is clearly the intent behind Article 8.1) would transform the rights of Irish-speaking citizens and communities in this country.
As things stand over 41% of the population of Ireland declared themselves to have an ability to speak Irish in the 2011 Census of Ireland. That is 1.77 million people, a rise from 1.66 million in the previous census of 2006. Another rise was the number of daily and weekly speakers of Irish, 4.4% of the population or 187,827 people (making Irish the second most-spoken language). On top of this was the 613,236 who claimed to speak Irish less than weekly. Using these and other statistics from the 2011 census we can calculate that out of a total population of 4,588,252 people some 801,063 are speakers of Irish: that is people who speak Irish daily, weekly or less than weekly. That is the number, as unwilling as some Anglophone fundamentalists are to accept it, who speak Irish in Ireland. 801,063 people or some 17% of the total population.
In addition to that number there is another 24% of the population who either have some degree or knowledge of Irish or else wish to express their identification with it. To mark the language as their own. This is what happened in the 2011 Census and this is the 41% of the nation’s population that supports, wholeheartedly, the Irish language and the rights of Irish-speaking citizens.
As much as the militant extreme of English-speakers would wish it otherwise, with their knowingly untrue claims that Irish-speakers represent 1% of the population or statistical falsehoods about Polish being the second most spoken language in Ireland (2.6% of the total population, in fact), this is the unpalatable truth they fear so much. Irish-speaking citizens are not a majority, or even a particularly sizeable minority. But they are 17% of the population of Ireland. And together with English-speaking peers they make up the 41% of the population which supports our indigenous language and culture.
And it is time that they made their voices heard.
Tá An Réabhlóid Ag Teacht!
As I have noted many times before there is a certain desire in the body politic (and its media acolytes) to reduce even further the legal status of the Irish-speaking citizens and communities of Ireland and that of the Irish language in general. We have seen it demonstrated recently in the drive by the Fine Gael-Labour coalition to rip apart the Official Languages Act of 2003, shredding it of any meaning or purpose, along with the abolition of a separate Language Commissioner to uphold and protect the rights of Irish-speakers under the law when dealing with the institutions of the state. This was followed by the introduction of the controversial Gaeltacht Bill of 2012 which was so objectionable to most observers that it led to an Opposition walkout from Dáil Éireann in protest at its passing by the parliamentary-dictatorship of Fine Gael and Labour TDs.
Now we have the Constitutional Convention, an all-party body made up of various political representatives and members of the general public, which is studying a number of proposed changes to Bunreacht na hÉireann or the Constitution of Ireland. The convention has been mired in controversy since its inception with concerns expressed about the power of the main political parties to dominate the proceedings, the identities of the “randomly selected” citizens and the possibility of pressure from lobbyists.
Amongst the arguments for change put forward for possible consideration by the Convention is this one from Seán Ó Conaill, Law and Irish Lecturer at UCC, posted on the webpage of the academic group-blog Human Rights In Ireland.
“The Irish language enjoys a central role in, what is essentially, a bilingual constitutional order in Ireland. Irish has been afforded a special status in Article 8 as the “national language” and the “first official language” but there exists a huge disconnect between the status enjoyed by the language and the linguistic reality. In this submission to the Shadow Constitutional Convention I argue the provisions which concern the Irish language ought to be understood in their wider context, examined and reformed.
Current Constitutional Status
In terms of its place in the history of the Irish legal system the Irish language has been very much marginalised since the arrival of the Common Law in Ireland and indeed its very use among the Anglo-Irish was prohibited by the Statute of Kilkenny. The use of any language aside from English in the legal system itself was prohibited by statute in the form of Administration of Justice (Language) Act, 1737. Very little consideration was given to the language in legal discourse prior to independence with perhaps the most interesting example of a case with language rights implications being Padraig Pearse’s only case as a Barrister, McBride .v. McGovern [1906] 2IR 181. Pearse unsuccessfully attempted to overturn a number of convictions under the Summary Jurisdiction (Ireland) Act, 1851 for Irish speakers who had their names and addresses written on their carts in Irish and in the Gaelic font, however the appeal was rejected on the grounds that “An Englishman… if knocked down by an Irish cart in any part of the country, whether Connemara or elsewhere, is entitled to have the name and address of the offender in characters that he can read, if Irish letters are used he may be powerless to identify”.
History, however, would not forget these convictions and when De Valera set about dismantling the Office of Governor General of the Free State Constitution he appointed Dónal Ua Buachalla, one of the Irish speakers convicted under Summary Jurisdiction (Ireland) Act, 1851, to be the Governor General of the Irish Free State. Ua Buachalla thus became a successor to Mr Tim Healy SC, the original Prosecutor in the cart registration cases and the first Governor General of the Free State.
The real story of the Irish language and the legal system, however, only commenced in 1922 with the bilingual Constitution of the Irish Free State and Article 4 in particular which served as the inspiration for our present Article 8. Article 4 granted equal recognition to the Irish and English languages and provided Irish with a platform to engage with the legal system and officialdom. The value of this status was borne out shortly thereafter in the seminal case of People (Attorney General) v. Joyce and Walsh [1929] IR 526 which established the key “double right” principle. The principle holds that any party to a legal action may use the Irish language on two grounds; firstly, on a basis of natural law for fear that they do not fully understand English or secondly, and more crucially, by virtue of the constitutional status awarded to the language by the Constitution which means that once a citizen asserts his or her desire to use the Irish language in proceedings his or her competence in the English language is of no relevance.
When, in 1937, our current bilingual Constitution was enacted the Irish language was given increased prominence as “the national language” and “the first official language” while English was “recognised” as a second official language. Whilst the English text of Article 8.2 uses the word “recognised” the Irish text uses the expression “glactar leis” which would be more accurately translated as “accepted as” which would suggest more grudging recognition. The second element of Article 8.2 worthy of inspection is the use of the term “Sacs-Bhéarla” to represent the word “English”. In any normal use in modern times the term “Béarla” is used in Irish when referring to the English language. In using such terminology a cultural and political point is being made that the English language is to be perceived in second place, to be seen as the language of the Saxon rather than the language of the Gael.
The Courts in Ireland have struggled to precisely define what exact legal affect this perceived higher status afforded to Irish or indeed what is to be understood by English’s demotion to a second official language and as a result the dicta from Joyce and Walsh remains important. Although the 1937 Constitution, like the 1922 version, is a bilingual text, a key provision, Article 25.5.4, serves to make the Irish text particularly important. Article 25.5.4 holds that in the event of conflict the Irish text shall take precedence. However, no less a scholar than the great JM Kelly dismissed this as an “irrational irritant” and a situation “pregnant with time wasting for the Courts” in the Irish Student Law Review in Hillary Term in 1966. Prof Kelly was speaking at a time when a long held myth regarding the Irish text was widely accepted.
The myth held that the Irish text of the Constitution was a “mere translation” of the English text prepared only once the English text was completed (so widespread was this myth that it was repeated by McCarthy J in his Supreme Court verdict in the X-Case). Such a myth has since been dismissed as wholly inaccurate by some excellent academic research such as Michéal Ó Cearúil’s comprehensive work on the Irish text and even those with a moderate grasp of the Irish language can spot some key differences between the two language versions such as the example above (see also example at the end of this submission).
The Irish text of the Constitution very often has been used by the Courts in order to enunciate and interpret the English language provisions in many of the leading constitutional cases including Sinnott, Roche v Roche and Doherty v. Ireland (a comprehensive historical analysis of such instances is to be found, somewhat ironically, in the latest edition of JM Kelly’s text on the Irish Constitution).
I have written previously about the benefits of bilingual drafting and I would argue that the Irish text of the Constitution is often more satisfactory and it would not be my submission necessarily that the supremacy of the Irish text removed in the case of conflict although it is certain that in the context of amendments a problem exists.
The Problems
While it is fully accepted that it is vital that the Irish language gets recognition within the Constitution some of the current provisions and policies arising as a result can cause more problem than they solve for those seeking to use the Irish language in their dealings with the State and in their everyday lives.
The latest census puts the number of people who claim they can speak Irish at 1.77 million people although in reality the actual number of functional speakers of the language would be more accurately estimated at about 10% of that figure which represents approximately the number of people who report using the Irish language on a daily or weekly basis outside the education system. If the figure for functional speakers is accepted it shows a massive disconnect between the theoretical legal status of the language and the real life linguistic situation faced by the Irish language.
With such a disconnect between constitutional theory and linguistic reality Irish language rights, those seeking to assert them are easily dismissed. Geoghegan J for example in the Ó Beoláin decision [2001] 2 IR 279, interprets Article 8 “as meaning that for all legal and official purposes the Irish language and the English language are in an equal position” however he dismisses the argument that the Constitution gives the Irish language any special position citing the absence of any legal implications for the special position previously enjoyed by the Roman Catholic Church (previously Article 44.1.2) prior to the 5th Amendment. Geoghegan J alludes to the Constitution as embodying the aspirations and emotional feelings of the people who have enacted it, where not everything is intended to have legal implication.
The problems do not end with perception unfortunately. Clear constitutional obligations such as the requirement under 25.4.5 to make all legislation passed available in each language were ignored for years due to a lack of resources and it was only resumed after the Supreme Court judgment in the Ó Beoláin case [2001] 2IR 279.
The fact that the Irish text remains the authoritative text in the case of conflict between the two language versions remains a positive influence however a particular problem arises in the case of amendments to the Constitution. Bills to amend the Constitution are typically drafted in the English language, with a wording agreed before they are subsequently translated into Irish. Irish and English, like any two languages, cannot always directly translate easily and certain terminology used often causes particular difficulties in translation. As a result of the system in operation what is often a difficult translation from the rigid English text into Irish becomes the authoritative text of the Constitution. The benefits of co-drafting in both official languages of a State have long been recognised in Wales and Canada for example where the experience has shown that not only does co-drafting result in much better versions in the minority language but that there is a noticeable improvement in the quality of the English language draft too while also achieving cost saving overall.
The Irish language is without doubt a minority language in Ireland but our Constitution carries on the pretence that somehow the Irish language is the dominant language in Ireland. In putting the language on an illusory pedestal we instantly devalue the language. Furthermore, the very fact that we proceed with the charade of claiming Irish as the first official language of the State has prevented Ireland from ratifying the European Charter on Regional and Minority Languages and fully engaging in the development of minority language policy.
Possible Amendment
The Constitution Review Group suggested in 1996 that the Irish language’s constitutional status be amended in a manner which would more closely reflect the real linguistic situation in Ireland without threatening any of the rights current enjoyed by Irish speakers. Their recommendations, if anything, have become more valid by developments such as the enacting of the Official Languages Act, 2003 and the Irish language’s status, since 2007, as a full official EU language. The CRG recommend that Irish and English be equally recognised with an additional provision which they suggested would read “Because the Irish language is a unique expression of Irish tradition and culture, the State shall take special care to nurture the language and to increase its use.”
While the exact wording could perhaps be revisited, and might even benefit from denominating the Irish language as an official minority language, the core message remains valid as a method of recognising the special position of the Irish language in a modern Ireland as a living language worthy of status and protection. If such an amendment were to proceed it would present an ideal opportunity to refocus and re-evaluate what exactly the Irish language means to Ireland legally, linguistically and culturally. It cannot be creditably claimed that the current constitutional status does anything to advance the cause of the Irish language or increase the number of speakers of the language.
At the very least a review of the Irish language provisions in the Constitution presents an opportunity to re-examine some English language provisions which do not reflect the Irish text and vice versa. Although almost every article of the Constitution has some divergence greater clarity could be achieved in examining certain provisions which seem to diverge significantly. Prominent examples include: Article 12.4.1 and the age a citizen must reach in order to run for President where the English text, presumably mistakenly, suggests the correct age is 34 (eg thirty fifth year) rather than 35 (those who have passed their thirty fifth year) in the Irish text which was most likely the intent of the original drafters.
Article 29.3 which has the additional Irish phrase “ina dtreoir” which would translate to “as a guide” when referring to how Ireland accepts generally the principles of international law.
The much criticised Article 41.2 in which the English text speaks of a woman’s role within the home where as the Irish text speaks, perhaps somewhat more satisfactorily, of recognition of a woman’s role within the family rather than the home.”
Bilingual sign in Irish and English, Dublin, Ireland. Note the carelessly misspelled Irish name “Lána na mBó”.
It is my belief that the proposed alterations of Article 8, however well-intentioned, are fundamentally flawed and would to lead to an even further erosion of the rights of Irish-speaking citizens. As I wrote in February of 2012 in a look at our supposedly “officially bilingual” state, the changes suggested by the 1996 Constitution Review Group would simply reduce the constitutional status of the Irish language not enhance it. How? The Constitution of Ireland currently reads:
“Article 8:
8.1 The Irish language as the national language is the first official language.
8.2 The English language is recognised as a second official language.
8.3 Provision may, however, be made by law for the exclusive use of either of the said languages for any one or more official purposes, either throughout the State or in any part thereof.”
The Review Group proposed this wording:
“Article 8:
8.1 The Irish language and the English language are the two official languages.
8.2 Because the Irish language is a unique expression of Irish tradition and culture, the State shall take special care to nurture the language and to increase its use.
8.3 Provision may, however, be made by law for the exclusive use of either of the said languages for any one or more official purposes, either throughout the State or in any part thereof.”
The argument for the suggested change by the all-party gathering was the supposed recognition that:
“…there is an implicit right to conduct official business in either official language and that the implementation of this right is a matter for legislation and/or administrative measures rather than constitutional provision.”
In other words there would be no constitutional right to speak in the Irish language in Ireland or expect services from the state in that language. Any such right would only be derived through specific legislation passed by Dáil Éireann (as stated in 8.3). Furthermore any government in power would be free to pass laws and regulations specifying the use of the English language only in any given circumstances (again the implication of 8.3).
And who believes they would do otherwise?
My own solution is the following constitutional amendment for Article 8.3:
“Article 8:
8.1 The Irish language as the national language is the first official language.
8.2 The English language is recognised as a second official language.
8.3 Exclusive use shall be made of the Irish language for all official purposes throughout the State or in any part thereof. However, by law, concurrent use may be made of both official languages for any one or more official purposes, either throughout the State or in any part thereof, though the superior position of the Irish language must be demonstrated.”
Article 8.3 in its present form ensures that the rights of Irish-speakers will always come second place to those of their English-speaking peers. It allows English to be the “default language setting” of the state, confusing the primary status of the Irish language granted in Article 8.1 and creating a constitutional contradiction. However the amendment as proposed above reverses that confused situation and makes Irish the default setting of the state’s official language. It evens the playing field by purposely requiring the state to legislate bilingually in all matters. It protects the rights of Irish-speakers and English-speakers under the law and ensures equal treatment for both while giving substance to the state’s national identity through the use of its national language.
Anything that lessens the status or rights of Irish-speaking citizens simply reinforces institutional discrimination within the Irish state. It makes Irish-speakers truly second-class citizens with second-class rights.
And no one could tolerate such a situation.
Tá An Réabhlóid Ag Teacht! The Revolution Is Coming!
For the last decade and more I’ve worked for a company in Ireland that is a major subsidiary of an international corporation with several different facilities in the country employing large multinational workforces. Through my role in that company I’ve worked with or met literally hundreds of people from Britain, the United States, Australia, New Zealand, France, Germany, Sweden, Russia, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, the Czech Republic, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Nigeria, Somalia, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Singapore, China and many other nations. During all that time and all those people my Irish name and surname has never been an issue, has never been an obstacle, has never been seen as anything unusual. Even native English-speakers from outside of Ireland, be they British or American, simply accepted it as just another name amongst dozens or hundreds they may have encountered in non-English languages during their careers.
The only people who have ever made an issue of my name during my working life, or more particularly the combination of a forename and surname in the Irish language, have been Irish people. Again and again I have been challenged by Irish people for having an Irish name. Again and again Irish people have stumbled over its use, casually mispronounced or misspelled it, ridiculed it, disparaged it, tried to force assumed English “translations” of it on me or otherwise expressed that “attitude” that all Irish-speakers in Ireland would recognise. Not everyone, by no means, and not the majority. But certainly enough to make it noticeable, enough to make it at times a source of anxiety, frustration or anger.
But have I responded in kind? Have I tried to restore the surnames of colleagues from Ireland to their original Irish form or Irishify peoples’ names? Have I mispronounced or misspelled anglicised Irish names or non-Irish names? Of course not. Like most citizens of Ireland with a combination of forename and surname in the indigenous language of Ireland more often than not I have simply let the petty insults and hurts pass by. It is strange how quickly one can become inured to such things, how quickly one learns to live with casual discrimination when it has been a feature of all of one’s adult life. So in an international company where pained efforts are made to correctly spell and pronounce non-English names, where a recognition and respect for multiculturalism is written into the HR rules, I have become over the years an occasional target for a militant anglophone few.
However I have always known that my experiences are the experiences of many, many others in Ireland and that they reflect something greater and wider in Irish society Marcus Ó Buachalla, sports journalist and member of the PR firm Pembroke Communications, has a lengthy article on The Score examining the discriminatory practice still favoured by some Irish news and current affairs media of anglicising Irish names and surnames. In effect inventing or assigning English language names for men, women and children with Irish language names:
“IT WAS EARLIER yesterday morning and the text read loud and clear. “Irish Times tar éis ainmneacha Choláiste Eoin a aistriú go béarla…”
The text was from my brother and like me he is a former pupil of Coláiste Eoin in Stillorgan, the Irish language secondary school.
The text went on some more but the gist of it being that a colleague of his, and parent of one of the current pupils in Coláiste Eoin, had spotted that the write up in the sports supplement which should have referred to her son, his team-mates and his school referred to another team altogether.
The school name was right. The opposition was right. The final score was right; a two-point win for Kilkenny CBS. Yet this was not the Coláiste Eoin team that had left Stillorgan for an away game in Clonad.
Instead of Dara Ó Gallchobhair, it read Dara Gallagher. Colm O’Neill I presume must have referred to Colm Ó Néill. I could go on but I think you can probably see where I am going. One to 15 all had very different names to the official team list as provided to the matchday referee and to media.
It brought me back. In 1998 as a student in Coláiste Eoin, the school was asked to provide our names in English ahead of an All-Ireland colleges semi-final. We refused to do so. This was our starting 15. These are our names.
The repercussions were not significant but rather than being a nice memento to keep, the matchday programme of that day is but a token of the win over Coláiste Chríost Rí. No team photo. No introduction from local journalists like Niall Scully or Kevin Nolan outlining our journey to date. We were ignored apart from the team sheet but that was enough for us. Twenty eight names agus gach ceann as gaeilge.I felt so strongly about this back then that I wrote to The Irish Times and my letter was duly printed. Would you ask for an English translation of Francois Mitterand I asked? Or Nelson Mandela? Clearly some would back then and still would to this day.
I feel as strongly about this issue today as I did in 1998 and my emotions are the same but at least in 1998 we had the chance to take a stand. These lads did not. Your name and surname is more than just a title. It can often mean something. It can be a name handed down through the generations, a tip of the hat towards a lost friend, sibling or parent.
This isn’t about being an Irish language speaker nor am I on another gaeilgeoir rant. It is however absolutely 100% about standing up to an attitude that seeks to embarrass Irish language speakers into turning their back on the language.”
In the words of M. John Harrison:
““Identity is not negotiable. An identity you have achieved by agreement is always a prison.”
Gaelscéal – the end of the Irish language newspaper
Foras na Gaeilge, the government body charged with overseeing the state’s Irish language policies (such as they are), has unexpectedly announced that it is terminating its contract with Torann na dTonn Teo. the enterprise that publishes Gaelscéal, the weekly Irish language newspaper.
In a letter to the directors of Torann na dTonn Teo. the board of Foras na Gaeilge indicated that their decision reflected the shifting trends in the reading habits of the Irish-speaking public and that new plans were being drawn up to meet those needs. When initially contacted by the Irish language radio station Raidió na Gaeltachta for a statement Foras claimed that they had no spokesperson available until next Monday. However the anglophone Irish Independent newspaper has run a media release from Foras claiming that the €400,000 funding for Gaelscéal represented a €7 subsidy for each copy of the weekly newspaper sold and that this amounted to less than 1500 copies per week.
However the Gaelscéal editorial team have responded by disputing the weekly sales figures adding that 1000 copies of the newspaper are distributed free to Irish schools each week, with 400 downloads of the digital edition and 1000 visitors weekly to their website. They have also pointed out that since its launch Gaelscéal has risen to become the second most popular Irish language media site on the internet.
The announcement of the withdrawal of funding by the government and Foras na Gaeilge came a few days after Gaelscéal broke a front-page news story describing the fear felt by many Irish-speaking employees of state-funded bodies when it comes to voicing public criticism of the state and its controversial policies towards its Irish-speaking citizens and communities.
The excellent Nuacht24 has more.
UPDATE: Irish journalist and former newspaper editor Concubhar Ó Liatháin has established a petition opposing the closing of Gaelscéal at Change.org. You can show your support here. Please share with as many of your friends as you can.
Tweet at #gaelscéal
Béal an Mhuirthead – Anglophone Vandalism In Effect
The Hidden Ireland blog highlights news of discrimination against the Irish-speaking communities and citizens of Ireland for their English-speaking peers who are often unaware of what is being done in their name. Eoin Ó Riain has now written a very important story on the fear haunting some members of the Irish-speaking population of Ireland:
“Guth na Gaeltachta curtha ina thost!
“The Gaeltacht voice is silenced!”
This is yesterday’s headline in this week’s Gaelscéal, one of the Irish newspapers published each week. It indicates that members of Guth na Gaeltachta, the Donegal Gaeltacht-based organisation set up in alarm at the direction of State policy towards our language was taking following the publication of the report of An Bórd Snip Nua, were now fearful of speaking publicly because of the threatening attitude being adopted by the Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht.
This stems particularly from the letter sent, in English, to one of the members, employed by the Department, not in the Gaeltacht section but in the Heritage section, as a gardener, advising him that his terms of employment could be compromised if he continued speaking against Government policy on the Gaeltacht, that they could be construed as breaking the terms of his employment. We mentioned this in a blog, Bullying from Govenment, in July 2012.
Naturally Guth na Gaeltachta spoke out against this threat at the time. The Junior Minister, to whom responsibility for the Gaeltacht has been devolved, Dinny McGinley, stated that he had no responsibility over civil service procedures! It appears that the Civil Service operates without impunity. (In a case brought eventually to the Oireachtas by the Comisinéir Teanga the Civil Service “defended” its position on incorrectly implementing its own policy for recruitment. “This is the way we’ve always done it, therefore it is the correct way!” Sir Humphery could not have said it better!) Since that time Guth na Gaeltachta has been remarkably silent and normally vociferous spokespeople, not all of whom are Department employees, are unwilling to make any comments, good bad on indifferent, “on advice.”
One wonders where this will stop. I have come across one old-age-pensioner who is now afraid to voice his opinion on the Language he has loved and for which he has fought all his life, because he now depends on a state pension and is afraid he will lose it. What about employees of the Department of Education or third level institution who owe their funding to the state? On the radio last evening it emerged that language planning experts in Galway University had been moved “sideways” from the Language Planning Department. This is the Department which will be in greater demand by Gaeltacht parishes if the policy forced through the Oireachtas by this government last year is to be implemented!
This attitude falls in with the dictatorial way in which this Fine Gael/Labour Government is ramming through policy, much of it not really thought through, and instilling fear on one sort or another not only into the Gaeltacht people, but also people in other areas , especially rural people. One merely has to mention the fear gripping so many people with the closure today of one hundred rural Garda stations – eight in the Donegal Gaeltacht. Or the threatening behaviour of the Minister of the Environment Phil Hogan on the issues of so-called “Household Tax” and rural effluent treatment. How he has cut-back funding to local authorities because he says that people in their area had not paid this charge, the collection of which was in fact not the responsibility of the local authority! Look at the enforced merging of the National Library and National Archives; National Museum and National Gallery; Comisinéir Teanga and Ombudsman; the ramming through of the Gaeltacht Bill which removes the democratic authenticity of Údarás na Gaeltachta are all indications of a dictatorial bureaucracy. It is interesting in this context to look at what our present President Michael D Higgins has said on “institutional inadequacy,”(The President, the bureaucracy and the language!)
Martin Niemöller was a Luthern Theologian in Germany during the war. This is something he said which has perhaps some little relevance here.
“First they came for the communists,
and I didn’t speak out because I wasn’t a communist.
Then they came for the socialists,
and I didn’t speak out because I wasn’t a socialist.
Then they came for the trade unionists,
and I didn’t speak out because I wasn’t a trade unionist.
Then they came for me,
and there was no one left to speak for me.”
Have they now come for Guth na Gaeltachta?”
I would ask everyone to please share this story with as many people as you can.
UPDATE 02/02/2012: It has just been announced that the Irish government through its Irish language agency Foras na Gaeilge is to end all public funding of Gaelscéal, the Irish language newspaper which broke the story above [ASF: full story on the shock termination of the government contract with Gaelscéal now here]. The announcement came on the Friday after the front-page article was published and has taken many people by surprise. When contacted by journalists from the Irish language station Raidió na Gaeltachta the government body said it had no statement to make until Monday. Today however the anglophone Irish Independent newspaper carries a story claiming that the decision was based on the high cost of subsidising a weekly newspaper that on average sold less than 2000 copies an issue.
While I have always been sceptical about the need for a dedicated Irish language newspaper, or indeed dead tree media in general, I find the timing of the decision by Foras na Gaeilge questionable to say the least. My own belief is that the future home of news and current affairs media is online – and the sooner the better. Let us hope that Gaelscéal or a similar entity is supported in making that transition.
Thanks to Eoin Ó Riain for the follow-up news.
The excellent Irish language news and current affairs website Nuacht24 now has an article on this. It is also the very type of platform for Irish language media that I personally favour.
