Sometimes I do wonder if the dozens of Irish and British journalists who spent most of their careers loftily dismissing the evidence of Britain’s criminal counter-insurgency war in Ireland as “republican propaganda” have any regrets now that the veracity of those allegations has been proven to be correct? Or do those newspaper columnists, press editors and TV producers who were wilfully blinded by their own ideological myopia in years past, fellow-travellers of the British Occupation and those who defended it, still maintain that they were in the right?
Do the journalistic champions of censorship really believe that all those deaths and injuries stemming from a needlessly extended conflict were worth the lies, falsehoods and cover-ups? And for what? Sinn Féin to be the largest nationalist party in the north-east of the country, and for Martin McGuinness – a former (P)IRA Chief-of-Staff – to be Deputy Joint First Minister in the regional administration at Stormont? For SF to be one of the most popular parties nationally and Gerry Adams to be one of the most popular TDanna?
From the Guardian newspaper, a report on what the UK press describes in its distorting lexicon of “Dirty War” language as the “shoot-to-kill” policy of the 1980s and ‘90s. In other words the assassination and summary execution of Irish (and nominally UK) citizens by the British forces on this island nation:
“Details of an alleged criminal conspiracy by MI5 to obstruct one of the most sensitive murder inquiries of the 30 years of conflict in Northern Ireland have been exposed following the emergence of key sections of a previously secret police report on the affair.
The report details how officers of the security service were said to have concealed the existence of an audio recording of an incident in which RUC officers shot dead an unarmed teenage boy, Michael Tighe, and then destroyed the tape to prevent it falling into the hands of the detective who was investigating the killing.
Compiled at the height of a tumultuous 1980s political scandal known as the Stalker affair, the report recommended that two officers – thought to be the highest-ranking MI5 officers in the province – be prosecuted for perverting the course of justice.
Its author, Colin Sampson, then chief constable of West Yorkshire, condemned MI5’s concealment of a key piece of evidence during a murder inquiry as “wholly reprehensible”, and said the officers responsible were guilty of “nothing less than a grave abuse of their unique position”. He added in his report that the excuse they had given for failing to surrender the recording was “patently dishonest”.
He also recommended that three senior police officers be prosecuted for conspiring to pervert the course of justice.
In the event, none were prosecuted after the then attorney general, Sir Patrick Mayhew, said the government did not believe it to be in the interests of national security to bring them to trial.
The police ombudsman of Northern Ireland is currently investigating the actions of a group of former Special Branch officers, while detectives from Police Scotland are investigating the conduct of a number of former MI5 officers.”
In a related and more in-depth article the Guardian almost but not quite admits the real nature of the UK policy:
“…many nationalists in Northern Ireland were enraged by the killings, and senior members of the Roman Catholic clergy were demanding an independent inquiry. Sinn Fein accused the police of carrying out summary executions. The suspicion grew that the RUC was running some sort of a death squad. Few people were prepared to use such a term, however: instead, someone coined the ambiguous phrase “shoot-to-kill”.”
Any investigation of British State crimes in Occupied Ireland must include the deeds of Chicago FBI Agent Patrick “Ed” Buckley and his side-kick, David Rupert, a life-long criminal according to a NY State Police affidavit. Buckley was in Ireland from 1993 or 1994 until mission accomplished on 15Aug98 upon which they departed (actually Rupert was summoned to MI5’s then-HQ in London)..During the framing of Michael McKevitt in Dublin’s Special Criminal Court in 2003 Rupert testified that Buckley left him alone in Ireland when he flew to the Atlanta Olympics (1996) bombing murder site where Buckley and his FBI colleagues got the news media to frame innocent Security Guard Richard Jewell. MI5 selected Agent Buckley to go to Ireland either despite or because of his earlier record that included prohibiting the Winnetka, Illinois police from pursuing the murderer (David Biro) of the Langert family. While keeping murderer Biro on the streets Buckley got the news media to report IRA involvement in that atrocity. Buckley then performed his specialty, in a signed murder investigation report he framed me for that triple murder. I was facing lethal injection but murderer Biro blabbed through his FBI cover into Life Without Parole. I’d never even heard of anyone involved in that crime until news reports of it. On or about the day that Biro was convicted of two 1st degree murders and one homicide FBI Agent Buckley crashed through our door again and incarcerated my wife Mary, two friends, and me in Chicago’s Federal lock-up in US Case 91CR911. We faced the rest of our lives in prison in this case alone but after fifteen months of pre-trial motions and $many tens of thousands in legal expenses, we proved in front of Federal Judge George Lindberg that the only evidence against us, an FBI audiotape, was a criminal fabrication. These pre-Omagh and pre-McKevitt crimes by Agent Buckley on behalf of MI5 must be why MI5 chose him to go to Ireland. In Ireland they managed to convert an IRA property bomb into a massacre of twenty-nine innocents.
UVF murder gang leader David Ervine later revealed the official US thinking that gave Agent Buckley the OK to kill for MI5 in Omagh. On page 450 of Voices From the Grave Ervine stated that during his triumphal visit (why, if not for his hundreds of murders for Britain?) to the White House he accused the State Dept. head of the Britain Desk of US supporting the IRA. That official refuted Ervine’s allegation by stating (precisely quoted); “Well, you know the Provisional IRA don’t have Buccanneer bombers, they don’t have aircraft carriers, and we (the US) need to help sew up the British Exchequer so that we can take on the next big battle in the world.’ And we all looked at him, and he said; ‘Islamic fundamentalism.’ That was november 1994 and I was not alone, there are witnesses.” Mary and I attended the McKevitt frame-up, where we saw Agent Buckley for the first time since we defeated his attempt to railroad us; we exposed his evidence fabrication in Federal Court in Chicago.
Send this to any law enforcement officer you wish. We can document all of the above and much more. As a prelude to Omagh, the gun that David Biro used to murder the Langert family was the property of FBI Agent Lewis who was never charged with, at least, failure to report her gun missing in that small suburb of Chicago.