Scotland Moves Forward – While Ireland Goes Into Reverse

In Ireland a significant number of government departments and other public bodies, along with many public officials, have spent much of the last decade actively opposing the nation’s Official Languages Act of 2003, a piece of legislation introduced eighty years after independence with the objective of ensuring some form of limited equality for Irish-speaking citizens with their English-speaking peers when accessing state services and resources. As the 2011 report by An Coimisinéir Teanga on the workings of the Languages Act has revealed, the institutional discrimination towards Irish-speakers in our culturally English civil service is as virulent as ever.

In Scotland they have their own problems trying to gain equality and respect for their indigenous Gaelic tongue, in the form of the Scottish language, but the willingness of much of the body politic in Scotland to support the Gaelic Language Act of 2005, particularly the governing Scottish Nationalist Party under Alex Salmond, has led to an increase in the social and cultural standing of Scottish-speakers. Though there is still far to go before true equality and equal access to the resources of the state is reached it is a promising start. But just a start.

Along the way there must be more actions like this one, reported by the Stornoway Gazette:

“Sabhal Mòr Ostaig’s Gaelic Language Plan, which was recently published, aims to further promote and strengthen Gaelic in every area of the work and operations of the college, which is the National Centre for Gaelic Language and Culture.

Sabhal Mòr, along with a number of other colleges and universities, was asked by Bòrd na Gàidhlig to prepare a plan under the auspices of the Gaelic Language (Scotland) Act 2005. The Plan was created by the College’s Language Development Officer, Janni Diez, and other college staff who are expert in the field of language development and planning.

It builds on the College’s Language Policy and strengthens Gaelic usage among students and staff at the College. The Plan increases the already-strong status of Gaelic at the college, and will enable Sabhal Mòr to introduce projects and initiatives which will encourage even greater use of Gaelic in a variety of settings and situations.

Bòrd na Gàidhlig Ceannard (CEO), John Angus MacKay, said: “Bòrd na Gàidhlig congratulates Sabhal Mòr Ostaig on the publication of its first Gaelic Language Plan. This is another significant milestone in our journey to achieving the aim of the Gaelic Language Act of seeing the status of the Gaelic language as an official language of the whole of Scotland, commanding equal respect to the English language.

The plan was submitted to Bòrd na Gàidhlig for approval last year following a public consultation where people could submit opinions on the plan. The plan will last five years before being reviewed.

A copy of the Gaelic Language Plan can be viewed at: website

Following on from earlier news about the petty discrimination faced by some Scottish speakers this report is particularly welcome.

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The Banality Of Discrimination

The most notable thing about discrimination, whether towards a race or an ethnicity, is the utter, petty banality of it all. In Ireland Irish-speakers experience this on a regular basis (not to mention the institutionalised bigotry rife throughout much of the Irish state) but we’re not the only Gaels forced to deal with it. In Scotland Scottish-speakers face many of the same challenges in their daily lives. From the Lochaber News comes this tale of small-minded prejudice:

“A YOUNG Lochaber musician scooped a top award at an international competition but was unable to cash in on her winnings when her local bank refused to accept her prize cheque – because her name was written in Gaelic!

Hannah MacRae (14), of Lochyside, Fort William, was a member of a group of local musicians and singers who were very successful at the Pan-Celtic International Festival held recently in Carlow Town in Ireland.

The event was attended by 10,000 people and featured competitors from six countries.

The teenager, a third year pupil at Lochaber High School, was the individual winner of the fiddle competition for her age group, earning her a handsome cheque for 100 Euros – which showed her Gaelic name of Hannah NicRath as the payee.

But when Hannah’s mum, Ann-Marie, presented the cheque, along with Hannah’s bank book, at the Fort William branch of Bank of Scotland, the staff studied it before advising that they could not accept it.

Mrs MacRae was told the cheque has to filled in exactly as per the account name on the passbook.

Despite pleas for common sense to prevail – including a request that staff ‘Google’ the name “NicRath” to confirm it is the Gaelicised version of MacRae – senior staff in the branch, although sympathetic, said they were only implementing Edinburgh head office policy.

Mrs MacRae even asked if the branch could email HQ, with a covering letter and a copy of the cheque, explaining the situation, but was told that cheques can actually be returned to customers if their names are shown as “Mc ” instead of “Mac” – or vice versa.

Ironically, the Fort William branch – like so many in the Highlands and islands – proudly emblazons its Gaelic name, Banca na h-Alba, in huge lettering on the side of its 125-year old premises on the town’s High Street.

The bank has also been issuing its own Gaelic chequebooks since 1972.

These points, said Mrs MacRae, were not lost on the local staff.

Meanwhile, further along High Street, the Royal Bank of Scotland – “Banca Rìoghail na h-Alba” – was happily accepting Pan-Celtic cheques from other local artistes who, like Hannah, had won Euros.

Mrs MacRae, who works for a local insurance firm, said: “There’s a point of principle here.

“The Pan-Celtic Festival organisers have paid all the various winners by cheque – in Gaelic – anticipating that two of the major Scottish banks can operate their transactions on a bilingual English-Gaelic basis.

“We know that other prizewinners – from Harris and from Wales for example – were presented with similar cheques to that issued to Hannah.

“It will be interesting to know the policy adopted by their banks.”

Mrs MacRae has now contacted the Pan-Celtic Festival bursar who said he was sorry to hear about the apparent problems with the cheque. A fresh cheque is being made out out, payable to “MacRae”.”

Like some banks (and other businesses) here in Ireland, in Scotland a few companies will adopt Gaelic as a sign of their distinctiveness – while making no real effort to serve the needs of their customers who actually speak in that language. Though, of course, even signs in Irish or Scottish are going too far for some people.

[With thanks to Daithí Mac Lochlainn for the link]

Éamon Ó Cuív – Republican Dissident?

Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin in government together? Something surely to send the Seoníní elite at the Irish and Sunday Independent newspapers into a bug-eyed frenzy of outrage and opposition to a new “Pan-Republican Front”. Yet here is Éamon Ó Cuív in the Oirish Mail on Sunday:

“Éamon Ó Cuív has called for Fianna Fáil to consider coalition with Sinn Féin in a move that would reunite the parties split by his grandfather, Éamon de Valera.”

Did Éamon de Valera split the revolutionary era Sinn Féin? I thought it was the Pro-Treaty faction who split from Sinn Féin and formed Cumann na nGaedheal, the forerunner of Fine Gael, in 1923? Oh well. History and journalism in Ireland doesn’t really go together. Er, Irish history that is.

“Mr Ó Cuív insisted that Sinn Féin’s recent history would not be a problem, declaring: ‘They’d be as acceptable as were the Workers’ Party, which now runs the Labour Party.

‘They have a bit of history and one of them is Tánaiste now,’ he said, referring to Éamon Gilmore’s past as a Republican Clubs [Official Sinn Féin/Official IRA] and Workers’ Party member before Democratic Left merged with Labour.

However, Mr Ó Cuív acknowledged that there would be major ideological and policy differences.

Asked if a coalition with Labour remained a possibility, Mr Ó Cuív was dismissive.

‘I don’t think Fianna Fáil are compatible with Labour at all. The one time we were in with them it didn’t last long. I don’t think we’re compatible with Fine Gael either,’ he said.

‘What’s the difference between Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin when it comes down to it – except that it took them 70 years to recognise the Dáil? We’re both republican parties and we both come from the same stable.’

Fianna Fáil has 19 seats in the Dáil and Sinn Féin has 14. The Fine Gael-Labour Government has an overwhelming majority.

However, Sinn Féin surged in the most recent polls – to 21% – on the back of its opposition to the water and household charges and the coming referendum.”

Flag flying by Ó Cuív on behalf of the few Republican dissidents left in a political party that has all but divested itself of any pretence of Republicanism? Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin in coalition? Unlikely (and given the ferocity of Micheál Martin’s continued – and increasingly anti-historical - attacks on SF he certainly believes so) but a breakaway faction of FF under Éamon Ó Cuív?

Or is Ó Cuív lining himself up for a tilt at the leadership of Fianna Fáil itself, with an appeal to grassroots that are considerably greener than the party’s elected representatives? He seems to have a vision for the future of FF; and its not just one of crude survival and precious little else.

People Not Pots?

For all you hardcore historian-types out there an interesting article from Discover Magazine on the “pots-not-people” paradigm that dominated archaeological studies from the 1970s onward but now seems to be changing as our knowledge of DNA characteristics in ancient population groups, etc. grows.

“With the recent publication of the paper on the archaeogenetics of Neolithic Sweden I feel like we’re nearing a precipice. That precipice overlooks lands of great richness, filled with hope. It’s nothing to fear. It is in short a total re-ordering of our conception of the recent human past, at minimum. The “pots not people”paradigm arose in archaeology over the past few generations due to both scholarly and ideological factors. The scholarly ones being that intellectuals of the 19th and early 20th century made assumptions of extremely tight correspondence between material and cultural characteristics, and demographic dynamics, which seem to have been false. Therefore, the rise of an Anglo-Saxon England and the marginalization of Celtic Britain to the western fringes was not just a cultural reality, but also a fundamentally racial one, as Germans replaced Celts in totality. The ideological problem is that this particular framework was take as a given by the Nazis during World War II, lending a bad odour to the hypotheses of migration which were once so ascendant.

No one could deny that material cultures rise and fall in pulses, and exhibit variation in spatial distribution over the millennia. But by and large scholars large took a very skeptical view of the idea that large scale migrations of populations may have occurred in prehistory, and could have been the underlying causal factors driving the changes in material culture. But a null hypothesis of demographic stasis was in itself a positive statement of beliefs as to the character of the human past. It was no withholding of judgement.

Today the results from ancient DNA, and more powerful inferential methods which extract patterns out of extant variation, simply can not be easily fitted into a “pots not people” framework. Nor can we go back to a race-is-culture and culture-is-race model in the vein of the Victorians. Rather, the new order model must take into account the imperfect, but non-trivial, correlation between cultural and genetic variation, and, the differences between patterns of cultural and genetic variation.”

There is also some stuff here on Celtic and Irish origins, as well as language change in historical Ireland (it has been argued that as recently as the 1870s the majority of people on the island of Ireland remained monolingual Irish-speakers).

Words Of Wisdom

Just a quick post to note and recommend the wonderful, informative and always entertaining Irish Blog at Transparent Language. Its idiosyncratic nature is its joy. There are more Irish language online resources here and here.

If you like languages (and just plain wisdom) then also have a look at the Omniglot Blog, which is part of the Omniglot website.

Institutional Discrimination In The Irish State – The Culture Of An “Anglophone Stormont”

Céatadán na ngearán de réir cineáil (Percentage of complaints by type)

If you’ve been wondering just exactly why the Fine Gael – Labour coalition government seems so utterly determined to scrap the office of An Coimisinéir Teanga or the Language Commissioner, despite a torrent of criticism and opposition both at home and abroad, read on. Seán Ó Cuirreáin has released his 2011 Annual Report on the adherence to the regulations governing the Official Languages Act of 2003 by public and state-funded bodies throughout Ireland, and it has proved yet again to be an absolute indictment of continued institutional discrimination within the Irish state towards the nation’s Irish-speaking citizens and communities.

“The year 2011 was a busy and eventful one for the Office of An Coimisinéir Teanga.

At the same time, my Office laid two special reports before the Houses of the Oireachtas with regard to cases where public bodies had breached their statutory language obligations but then failed to implement the commendations made to ensure compliance. The organizations involved – the Health Service Executive and the National Museum of Ireland – did not appeal to the High Court against the decisions reached in the relevant investigations, but they did not implement the recommendations made by the investigations. This was the first time since its establishment that my Office had to take such action.”

This relates to serious breaches of the Official Languages Act by two branches of the civil service, both of which astonishingly continue to flaunt the law despite being publicly named and shamed before Oireachtas Éireann. The absolute arrogance of elements of the Irish civil service in relation to their legal obligations when it comes to Irish is breathtaking.

Céatadán na ngearán de réir cineáil (Percentage of complaints by type)

“During the year, my Office dealt with 734 cases of difficulties or problems accessing state services through Irish – the largest number of complaints from the public to the Office since its establishment. This represented an increase of 5% on the number of cases in the previous year.

Particular significance attaches to an investigation which found that An Garda Síochána stationed a substantial number of members of the force, who did not speak Irish, in the heart of the Donegal Gaeltacht in breach of statutory obligations. Only one of the nine Gardaí stationed in the parish of Gaoth Dobhair spoke Irish. This occurred at a stage when the status of Irish as a community language in the Gaeltacht is more vulnerable than at any time in the past. The State can hardly expect the Irish language to survive as the language of choice of Gaeltacht communities if it continues to require people in such areas to carry out their business with the State through English.”

If one had any queries on the status of the Irish language in modern Ireland it’s place is made quite clear by the fact that in 2011 An Garda Síochána, our national police service, continued to provide non-Irish speaking Gardaí or police officers to serve in Irish speaking communities. One is left wondering if anything has changed since the days of the Royal Irish Constabulary, the former British colonial police force in Ireland?

“As a result of two other investigations it was found that the Department of Social Protection failed to correctly award bonus marks for competence in Irish and English in internal promotion competitions. The system, which is in operation since 1975, was set up as a replacement for ‘compulsory’ Irish, and it was designed to ensure that Irish-speaking staff would be available at all grades in the Civil Service. The Department of Social Protection did not appeal the decision of the investigation to the High Court, but neither did it implement the recommendations. That in itself is a matter of concern but the situation is made worse by the knowledge that the practice of failing to award bonus marks correctly is common throughout the Civil Service.

If bonus marks are not awarded for proficiency in the two official languages in internal promotion competitions at a time when little recruitment is taking place in the Public Service and at a time when the work of Gaeleagras, the Irish language training body for the Public Service has been all but terminated, it is very difficult to see how the quantity and quality of state services through Irish could be improved.”

Scéimeanna imithe in éag (Schemes expired)

Again, what is this but institutionalised discrimination and the determination of anglophone supremacists within our state services to remove Irish as a language of government?

“In 2011, my Office continued a programme of detailed audits of public bodies in order to monitor compliance with the provisions of the Official Languages Act. The monitoring capacity of the Office was mainly focused on the implementation of language schemes. It is clear from the completed audits that the majority of public bodies do not succeed in fully implementing all commitments given in their language schemes within the lifetime of the schemes. Often, the commitments that are not implemented are the very ones most likely to be of benefit, such as the availability of Irish language versions of websites and online services and interpersonal services in Irish.”

Do people understand what is happening here? This is deliberate and wilful criminality by sections of the civil service. These are public officials who have abrogated to themselves the right to ignore the law. Indeed to act outside it.

There then follows one of the most condemnatory parts of the entire report:

“The system of language schemes is at the very heart of the legislation and we rely on the language scheme system to improve the quantity and quality of much of the services provided in Irish by public bodies.

During 2011, the Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht confirmed only one new language scheme.

In total, 105 language schemes have been confirmed by the Minister to date, but by the end of 2011, 66 of these had expired. This means that no second scheme has been confirmed for two thirds of public bodies, a development that would have increased the supply of services through Irish that could be expected from those public bodies.

At least 20% of the language schemes had expired for more than three years and a further 20% for more than two years.

The following were among the public bodies whose language schemes had expired for long periods at the end of 2011: the Office of the President (three years and eight months), the Arts Council (three years and six months), Office of the Ombudsman (three years and six months), the Courts Service (three years and five months), Galway County Council (three years and four months), the Revenue Commissioners (three years and three months), and the Department for Education and Skills (three years and one month).

In addition to the above, 28 other public bodies had been asked to prepare a first draft scheme but by the end of 2011 these schemes were still not confirmed by the Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht. In the case of ten of those, more than five years had elapsed since they were initially asked to prepare a draft scheme, in two other cases four and a half years had elapsed. It is of particular significance that four years and seven months had elapsed since the HSE was requested to prepare a draft language scheme; this is an organisation with very close ties to the community and where almost a third of public sector employees work. It is almost three years since An Post was asked to prepare a draft language scheme and more than two years since the Office of the Houses of the Oireachtas, RTÉ and the National Roads Authority were asked to prepare schemes.

By year end, no language scheme had been confirmed for the Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht, which was formally established on June 1st 2011.

Last year’s statistics show that matters have undoubtedly been allowed to slide out of control and that the system for the confirmation of language schemes appears now to have failed completely. I regret to say that I am of the opinion that it will prove next to impossible to re-establish confidence in that system.”

Considering that the language schemes were regarded as the minimal method for implementing some form of limited equality between the nation’s Irish and English speaking citizens in the eyes of the state, the decision by large sections of the state to conspire to deny those rights by simply refusing to implement full or adequate language schemes is a scandal. Furthermore the hundreds of complaints by Irish citizens in relation to discrimination at the hands of public servants or other breaches of the law by public bodies come from right across the country, 79% from outside the Gaeltachtaí or Irish-speaking regions, with 50% in Dublin alone (an increase of 9% from 2010).

Gearáin – An Ghaeltacht agus lasmuigh den Ghaeltacht (Complaints – Gaeltacht and non-Gaeltacht)

What is required by the Irish state, and the civil service that comprises so much of it, before it will recognise and accept the right of Irish-speaking citizens, Irish men, women and children to full equality under the law with their English-speaking peers? When will the culture of an “Anglophone Stormont” in our public institutions be faced head on?

Gearáin de réir contae (Complaints by county) – Gearáin de réir cineál comhlachta phoiblí (Complaints by type of public body)

After 90 years of waiting, and some might say centuries of waiting, what will it take for equality between Irish Ireland and English Ireland to be reached in our lifetimes?

Or do the Irish-speaking citizens of this nation need their own Derry March of 1968 or their own Burntollet? Will it take a Gaeilgeoirí Battle of the Bogside before anyone will take notice?

We Shall Overcome – Civil Rights In Ireland – The 1960s

There is more information on this at Galltacht – The Hidden Ireland.

Québec Independence – Only A Matter Of Time?

Two fascinating reports today on the independence movements in Québec and Scotland and the effect both are having on each other. The first article is from The National Post:

“Former Liberal leader Michael Ignatieff says Quebec “eventually” will become an independent country and that a victory for Scottish separatists in an expected 2014 referendum will launch a new effort by Quebec nationalists to fulfil their sovereignist dream.

Ignatieff, an author and academic who left the Liberal leadership after his party was badly beaten in the 2011 election, made the comments in an interview being broadcast Monday on BBC Scotland.

He also said Quebec and the rest of Canada have little to say to each other and that the two already are “almost” separate countries.

Ignatieff told BBC Scotland that devolution of central powers, whether from London to Edinburgh or from Ottawa to Quebec City, likely will be only temporary.

“It’s a kind of way station. You stop there for a while, but I think the logic eventually is independence — full independence,” Ignatieff said in an interview in his home last month.

Asked by interviewer Glenn Campbell if he was referring to Quebec as well as Scotland, Ignatieff replied: “I think eventually that’s where it goes.”

The only area where “the union still holds together” is in fiscal and monetary policy, he said.

“But the problem here is we don’t have anything to say to each other anymore,” he added. “There’s a kind of contract of mutual indifference which is very striking for someone of my generation.”

Noting that he speaks French, Ignatieff said he couldn’t imagine Canada without Quebec.

“But that’s not the way most English Canadians now think of their country. They might have done 30 or 40 years ago when we thought we could live together in this very strange hybrid country called Canada.

“Now effectively . . . we’re almost two separate countries. Although Quebec does not have sovereignty it acts domestically almost as if it did, and that I think has produced this strange reality that I don’t think most Canadians I’m thinking of are happy about.”

Ignatieff, describing the United Kingdom as one of the oldest multinational states in the world, said a ‘yes’ vote for independence in Scotland will have reverberations around the world.

“I think if Scotland goes independent a lot of other smaller nations in Europe will start accelerating their quest for independence,” singling out national minorities in Spain and Belgium.”

Meanwhile the BBC is reporting that the:

“…SNP has sought advice from Quebec nationalists ahead of the referendum on independence for Scotland.

The SNP’s Westminster leader, Angus Robertson, travelled to Canada last summer to consult key figures in the Parti Québecois, which wants independence for the province.

The Quebec nationalists have fought and lost two referendums.

The last one was in 1995, where they fell just 53,000 votes short.

The SNP is keen to learn lessons to help the party win in 2014.

Two former premiers of the province say they were consulted, but it is not just the SNP which is drawing on the Quebec experience.

A senior Downing Street adviser also visited the dominion as the UK government considered its response to plans for a vote on Scottish independence.”

Native Americans – Trapped In The USA

Unexpected but welcome news in the Guardian as a United Nations (UN) committee is about to carry out an investigation into the treatment of the citizens of the Native American nations within the United States of America.

“The human rights inquiry led by James Anaya, the UN special rapporteur on indigenous peoples, is scheduled to begin on Monday.

Many of the country’s estimated 2.7 million Native Americans live in federally recognised tribal areas which are plagued with unemployment, alcoholism, high suicide rates, incest and other social problems.

The UN mission is potentially contentious, with some US conservatives likely to object to international interference in domestic matters. Since being appointed as rapporteur in 2008, Anaya has focused on natives of Central and South America.

A UN statement said: “This will be the first mission to the US by an independent expert designated by the UN human rights council to report on the rights of the indigenous peoples.”

Anaya, a University of Arizona professor of human rights, said: “I will examine the situation of the American Indian/Native American, Alaska Native and Hawaiian peoples against the background of the United States’ endorsement of the UN declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples.”

Apart from social issues, US Native Americans are involved in near continuous disputes over sovereignty and land rights. Although they were given power over large areas, most of it in the west, their rights are repeatedly challenged by state governments.

Most Americans have little contact with those living in the 500-plus tribal areas, except as tourists on trips to casinos allowed on land outside federal jurisdiction or to view spectacular landscapes.

Anaya is originally from New Mexico and is well versed in Native American issues.

He will visit Washington DC, Arizona, Alaska, Oregon, Oklahoma and South Dakota, and will conclude his trip with a press conference on 4 May. He will present his findings to the next session of the UN human rights council.”

Following on from a period of unprecedented rapprochement between the indigenous peoples of the US and the government in Washington under President Barack Obama, this is a very promising development, even at this most partisan of times in American politics. However even a casual examination of the facts on the ground shows how truly abysmal life is for the vast majority of Native Americans in the “Reservations” (itself a terrible and all too revealing word: wild animals are kept in reservations not human beings). It is difficult to see how this can change without a radical transformation in the political and judicial fortunes of each of the individual Tribal Nations in relation to the United States.

More Cloak And Dagger Shenanigans In Fantasy Troubles

And so it rumbles on, the latest chapter in the tale of Britain’s super-superspy and double-agent extraordinaire Freddie “Stakeknife” Scappaticci, with the audio recordings of calls between Ian Hurst (the nom de guerre of Martin Ingram, an alleged former British military Intelligence agent) and Sir John Wilsey (former General Officer Commanding the British Army in the Occupied North of Ireland during the early 1990s). Not much new, not much we didn’t know already, and all rather desperate really. But judge for yourself here.

David Starkey And The Dark Side Of English Nationalism

Well, we’ve seen the SNP leader and Scotland’s First Minster, Alex Salmond, compared to the dictator Robert Mugabe by the “respected” BBC journalist Jeremy Paxman (recent convert to the cause of the Apologia Pax Britannica), so should it come as any surprise that he is now being compared to the dictator “Adolf Hilter”? This latest jibe comes from the right-wing British TV historian and English nationalist David Starkey. An unapologetic defender of Greater England, the controversy-seeking academic made his claim at a conservative think-tank meeting in Britain (quelle surprise!).

The Huffington Post carries the details:

“Historian Dr David Starkey has compared Scottish first minister Alex Salmond to Nazi German leader Adolf Hitler.

“If you think about it, Alex Salmond is a democratic Caledonian Hitler, although some would say Hitler was more democratically elected,” he said.

“[For him] the English, like the Jews, are everywhere” he added to gasps from the audience.

Starkey was speaking at a debate, hosted by the Bow Group think tank, on the teaching of British history in UK schools.

“England has shaped the world and now the world has shaped England” he said, “every other country focuses on its own history and it’s absurd that we don’t.”

Teaching should, he said, “unashamedly focus on political history. Social history is… mere sentiment”.

The British needed positive teaching of their history, Starkey argued, to preserve national identity.

Starkey lamented that in the wake of Enoch Powell’s controversial Rivers of Blood speech, it was “no longer” possible to speak about nationalism.“

Starkey, of course, rose to particular infamy last year with his “…the whites are becoming blacks” declaration on British television following several days of rioting in a number of English cities. However he has repeatedly expressed his distaste for all things “Celtic”, dismissing Scotland, Wales and Ireland in a previous TV performance as “feeble little countries”, to the delight of the extreme right in Britain. In his warped worldview the natural supremacy of the English race and its dominance over its neighbours is the only matter of worth in the history of the island of Britain and nearby nations – including Ireland.

Will this latest outburst finally put paid to his inglorious career? Probably not. The more likely scenario is yet more academic respectability-by-association for the extreme right of English nationalism as it slowly creeps towards the centre-place of British politics and the media.

Incidentally David Starkey is a patron of NOGOE (No to Greenwich Olympic Equestrian Events) a local pressure group in Britain opposed to aspects of the London Olympic Games. Amongst its more recent pronouncements have been these particular gems, along the lines of: No Olympics Here, And No Irish Too!

From Boycott To Frankfurt, Only Our Rivers Run Free

“When apples still grow in November

When Blossoms still bloom from each tree

When leaves are still green in December

It’s then that our land will be free

I wander her hills and her valleys

And still through my sorrow I see

A land that has never known freedom

And only her rivers run free”

So go the lyrics of Mickey MacConnell’s famous ballad “Only Our Rivers Run Free”, an indictment of the British Occupation and apartheid state in the North of Ireland in the 1960s, and now it seems that our Fine Oibre coalition government has determined that in the finest traditions of our colonial past even our waters will no longer run free. From the Irish Times:

“HOUSEHOLDS WILL pay an average of €39 per annum over 20 years to cover the cost of the loan from the National Pension Reserve Fund to install water meters in one million Irish homes.

Government sources confirmed yesterday the cost per household, based on the size of the NPRF loan, would work out at about €780, but that the cost would be levied as a standing charge over a period of two decades, in much the same way as such charges are already imposed by other utilities such as the ESB and Bord Gáis.

Taoiseach Enda Kenny confirmed yesterday that householders would pay for the cost of the meters but that the cost would not be an upfront one. Charges are to become operable in early 2014.

Government sources said last night that, in general, no charge would be applied until water meters were installed. However, it is unlikely that all one million homes will have meters in place by the end of next year.

The sources said households that have no meters installed will pay an “assessed charge” based on the metered charges paid by comparable metered properties. This system will be applied to the approximately 350,000 households that will not be metered because it would be too costly or too logistically difficult.”

Along with the so-called “Household Tax” the citizens of Ireland are being burdened with yet another mechanism to forcibly extract the maximum amount of money from their household earnings in order, ultimately, to pay off the banks and financial institutions of Germany, Britain and elsewhere in Europe (and we’re not the only ones). Irish families will go hungry (or into exile) while our absentee landlords in Frankfurt and London will grow fat on our suffering. And if we dare to resist this blatant system of extortionAccording to the Irish Independent:

“TAOISEACH Enda Kenny has warned that people will be cut off it they fail to pay water charges.

Amid continued speculation that households face an €800 bill for new meters, Mr Kenny refused to give details of potential costs when the new charge is introduced in 2014.

“These are all matters for discussion about how the system is actually going to work,” said Mr Kenny.

“If you don’t pay your electricity bill, if you don’t pay your water bill, it’s cut off.”

The Taoiseach pointed out that while water is “fundamental for life”, the Government is not in a position to give people a free allowance.”

Water is but of course “fundamental for life”, which is exactly why the Fine Gael – Labour government is ready to tax it – and at the behest of their masters in Europe. Like some bizarre, reborn clone of the 19th century Irish Parliamentary Party the coalition government will simply become the public face, the cipher and mechanism, for foreign interests in Ireland. Interests whose only purpose is to exploit the Irish nation and the Irish people for their financial, economic and political benefit.

However, not all the croppies are ready to lie down and die. As the Irish Examiner points out:

“Backlash over planned water charges has deepened after campaigners warned of a one million strong household boycott.

As Taoiseach Enda Kenny was accused of sending mixed messages over threats to cut-off non-payers’ supplies, a mass of residents’ committees nationwide warned they would not pay.

It has been previously reported that the Government could allocate 40 litres of water per day free to each household. Any water used on top of that would be charged.

Sinn Fein deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald said: “The Government is so gung-ho in forcing out levy after levy that the Taoiseach doesn’t know what he’s telling people.”

Ms McDonald said his contradictions were just another example of the “confused fiasco” during the run-up to the introduction of the household charge.

And with no Government guidance on costs for water, the Association of Combined Residents’ Associations (Acra) warned its members would not pay any tax on the family home.

“Our members up and down the country are already pinned to the collar trying to survive,” said spokesman Malachy Steenson.

“We successfully made the household tax one of the biggest campaigns in recent decades. Water charges will be even more forcefully opposed.”

John Lyons, Campaign Against Household and Water Taxes, said the fact that half the population had yet to register for the controversial household charge suggested the same people would protest against water.

“If they cut our water supply – this life giving force – there will be a hell of a lot of trouble,” Mr Lyons warned.

“I think we could see a million people marching against the Government over this.”

The Government has estimated that around 906,000 households have registered for the €100 euro household charge – of a total 1.6 million that are eligible.

Socialist Party TD Joe Higgins accused Mr Kenny of “constructive ambivalence” and warned that the controversy surrounding the Government’s mixed messages would only intensify opposition to the charges.

“You could say that the Government is inept, but it maybe also reflects the fact that the Labour Party is desperately trying to cover up its pledge that it would not introduce water charges, which it has since betrayed,” Mr Higgins added.”

Of course one is left pondering the most obvious question of all. How is it that at the start of the 21st century the people of Ireland find themselves in the same position in relation to foreign powers and institutions that they were in at the start of the 19th century? Or indeed the 20th?

Is this not the ultimate indictment of our political, business and media classes who have led us full circle into a new quasi-colonial relationship with the European Union, and the absentee landlords of the IMF-ECB. From Boycott to Frankfurt, we find ourselves yet again the playthings of others.

“I drink to the death of her manhood

Those men who’d rather have died

Than to live in the cold chains of bondage

To bring back their rights were denied

Oh where are you now when we need you

What burns where the flame used to be

Are ye gone like the snows of last winter

And will only our rivers run free? “

Estonia – Defending What Anglo-Ireland Won’t

I’ve drawn attention to the Baltic nations of Eastern Europe before and how they have successfully mounted a defence of their respective languages and cultures over the last century and more despite the proximity of far greater and more influential neighbours: and contrasted this with Ireland’s abysmal record over the last one hundred years.

Now the Guardian examines Estonia and its emergence as a new global “cyberhub”, a remarkable feat which has seen the tiny country of less than one-and-a-half million souls embrace modernity while retaining its own distinct national identity.

“In 1995, four years after Estonia broke free from the USSR, Toomas Hendrik Ilves read a “very Luddite” book by Jeremy Rifkin called The End of Work.”It argued that with greater computerisation there would be fewer jobs,” remembered Ilves, then a senior diplomat, now the country’s president, “which from his point of view was terrible.”

Ilves and many of his colleagues saw it differently. In a tiny (population: 1.4 million) and newly independent country like Estonia, politicians realised computers could help quickly compensate for both a minuscule workforce and a chronic lack of physical infrastructure.

Seventeen years on, the internet has done more than just help. It is now tightly entwined with Estonia’s identity. “For other countries, the internet is just another service, like tap water, or clean streets,” said Linnar Viik, a lecturer at the Estonian IT College, a government adviser and a man almost synonymous in Estonia with the rise of the web.

“But for young Estonians, the internet is a manifestation of something more than a service – it’s a symbol of democracy and freedom.”

To see why, you just have to go outside. Free Wi-Fi is everywhere, and has been for a decade.

Viik says you could walk 100 miles – from the pastel-coloured turrets here in medieval Tallinn to the university spires of Tartu – and never lose internet connection.

“We realised that if the government was going to use the internet, the internet had to be available to everybody,” Viik said. “So we built a huge network of public internet access points for people who couldn’t afford them at home.”

The country took a similar approach to education. By 1997, thanks to a campaign led in part by Ilves, a staggering 97% of Estonian schools already had internet. Now 42 Estonian services are now managed mainly through the internet. Last year, 94% of tax returns were made online, usually within five minutes. You can vote on your laptop (at the last election, Ilves did it from Macedonia) and sign legal documents on a smartphone. Cabinet meetings have been paperless since 2000.

Doctors only issue prescriptions electronically, while in the main cities you can pay by text for bus tickets, parking, and – in some cases – a pint of beer. Not bad for country where, two decades ago, half the population had no phone line.

To an outsider, it is not immediately clear why Estonia took to the internet so much faster than its Baltic cousins, Latvia and Lithuania. All three won independence at the same time. All three needed quick ways of revamping their ailing infrastructure. But to Estonians, the reason is simple. Estonia has a sizeable Russian-speaking minority, but the country’s ethnic Estonian majority feel Nordic, rather than Slavic or eastern European. In the early 90s, this meant they looked to tech-happy Scandinavia for both inspiration and investment.”

Indeed it was the presence of a significant, and hostile, ethnic Russian minority that led the Estonians to emphasise their distinctiveness as a nation and people, not least through the planned modernisation of their country and society. An example that Ireland could take to heart? We are told that we cannot have an Irish Ireland because we live in an English-speaking world culture. Perforce we must have an English Ireland. Yet the Estonians (like the Finns) have shown that argument to be just another ramshackle excuse for wallowing in a post-colonial inferiority complex.

Unlike us they have had their cake – and eaten it too.

(NÓTA: Of course, one might argue that in Estonia a community we could very loosely term as “ethnic” Estonians came to power with the regaining of independence from the former Soviet Union in the 1990s, and so restored and reshaped the nation in their image. In Ireland, on the other hand, it is at least debatable whether or not a community that we might generally describe as “ethnic” Irish took power in the 1920s. In fact it could be suggested that what came to power in post-independence Ireland was an Anglicised-Irish or Anglo-Irish ethnicity, a minority of whom loosely identified with an “ethnic Irish” identity. But that is a story for another day).

NÓTA: Thanks to Siôn for this great link, with some more information on the story above.

Wales, Scotland And Manifestations Of Greater England

Wales Online is reporting on what some critics are claiming was an attempt by a local branch of the British Labour Party in Cardiff to stir up “ethnic” tensions between Welsh-speaking and English-speaking residents in the city in the run-up to local government elections in Wales.

“Labour has pulped 5,000 copies of a Cardiff council election leaflet because it contains a resident’s comment that they “can’t apply for most jobs in Wales because you need to speak Welsh”.

Last night an angry row erupted between Plaid Cymru and Labour, with Plaid’s deputy council leader Neil McEvoy accusing Labour of seeking to inflame the language issue. The four-page Labour leaflet, which has not been distributed by the party, was intended for the residents of Ely. It includes a column with pictures of a number of people explaining why they are voting Labour.

As well as First Minister Carwyn Jones and former MEP Baroness Eluned Morgan of Ely, it features a local resident named only as “David” who is quoted as saying: “I’m a graduate looking for a job but thanks to Plaid I can’t apply for most jobs in Wales because you need to speak Welsh.”

Coun McEvoy said: “Carwyn Jones should order an investigation into how this leaflet came to be produced in the first place. Labour has a history in Cardiff of trying to divide people over the Welsh language. …I don’t believe Labour has withdrawn this leaflet out of principle – they’ve done so out of embarrassment.”

A Welsh Labour spokesman said: “Following external production of a leaflet for the Ely ward in Cardiff, the local party identified a small paragraph which contained words from a local resident that clearly ran contrary to Welsh Labour’s policy position and core beliefs.

“The obvious decision was immediately taken by Ely branch Labour Party and Welsh Labour to not distribute the leaflet, and to destroy the 5000 copies. To suggest that Welsh Labour would ever condone, enable or facilitate the distribution of the sentiments contained in the endorsement is as offensive as it is absurd.”

This story comes hot on the heels of an attack on Welsh-speaking parents and schoolchildren in the indigenous-speaking region of Cardigan by a group of anglophone business leaders who claimed that the use of the Welsh language in Wales was threatening the local economy and their business-interests.

Meanwhile the right-wing British nationalist newspaper, the Daily Express, has carried an attack on the Scottish language with a “scare-story” about discussions to use bilingual signs and emblems in hospitals in Scotland. A quick read of the article proves that the claims in it simply fail to stand up to scrutiny and it is nothing more than crude anti-Scottish, Greater Englander spin.

“DOCTORS and nurses could be forced to wear bilingual badges as part of the SNP Government’s drive to promote Gaelic, it emerged yesterday.

Hospital and doctors’ surgery signs, letterheads, and health board logos may also include the language under a five-year action plan drafted by ministers.

Those seeking an NHS job would be quizzed “about their Gaelic skills” the document states.

Bosses would have to encourage medical and administrative staff to learn Gaelic and use it in their everyday jobs.

Opposition parties and public spending campaigners yesterday described the proposals as an “expensive rebranding exercise”.

Scottish Tory health spokesman Jackson Carlaw said: “It’s not the job of Government to insist on Gaelic on nurses’ uniforms any more than it should be a condition of the ScotRail franchise that they post station names in Gaelic where a Gaelic-speaking tradition has never existed.”

Labour’s Jackie Baillie said: “At a time elderly patients can’t even get a blanket, I hardly think this sort of expensive re-branding is a priority.”

The Government’s document says it wants to explore “potential use of dual branding throughout NHS communication channels in Scotland so the public recognise the equal status of Gaelic and English in the day-to-day activities of NHS Scotland.”

It says: “We’ll also consider use of Gaelic in uniforms. During the course of this plan we’ll liaise with all of NHS Scotland’s health boards on potential development and use of bilingual logos. We will ask job applicants about their Gaelic skills.”

A Scottish Government spokeswoman said it was a matter for individual health boards.”

She added: “The plan commits to undertaking an assessment of the value of dual language branding of the NHS Scotland logo, which will take into account financial cost, acceptability and what impact this would have on Gaelic language promotion.

“The recommendations will have minimal cost implications and are built on the use of existing resources.”

In other words it is a story about nothing. Except, perhaps, a sign of the growing strength and status of the indigenous Celtic languages of the island of Britain and the continued hostility and bigotry of the anglophone supremacists in the British Nationalist camp and their ideological defence of “Greater England”.

The United States And The Native American Nations – Progressing Towards True Equality

Some welcome news for dozens of Native American nations as the US government has announced that it is to pay more than 1 billion dollars (around 760 million euros) in settlements to end a series of long-running legal battles with a number of indigenous peoples in the United States.

From a report by the Indian Country Today Media Network :

“The Obama administration announced April 11 its intent to resolve 41 long-standing disputes with Indian tribal governments over the federal mismanagement of trust funds and resources.

Ignacia Moreno, assistant attorney general at the U.S. Department of Justice, said the settlements will amount to a combined total of $1.023 billion to the 41 tribes for past federal mismanagement.

Beyond money, the settlements also set forth a framework for promoting tribal sovereignty and improving nation-to-nation federal-tribal relations, while trying to avoid future litigation through improved communication, Moreno said.

The announcement was made at a White House ceremony, with Attorney General Eric Holder, Secretary of the Interior Ken Salazar, Senior Advisor to the President Valerie Jarrett, and other senior members of the Obama administration joining tribal leaders in attendance.

“May we walk together toward a brighter future, built on trust, and not acrimony,” said Hilary Tompkins, Solicitor General of the Interior Department, at the event. “And when I say the word trust, I don’t mean the legal definition of that word, I mean the dictionary’s definition of that word—assured reliance on the integrity, veracity, justice, friendship, or other sound principle of a person or thing….”

The announcement is one of several settlements the Obama administration has announced with individual Indians and tribes since 2009.

In 2010, the administration settled the $760 million Keepseagle case brought by Native American farmers and ranchers against the U.S. Department of Agriculture. They alleged discrimination by the agency in its administration of loan programs.

President Barack Obama also signed into law the Claims Resolution Act in December 2010, which included the $3.4 billion Cobell settlement agreement that aims to resolve a lawsuit over the management and accounting of more than 300,000 individual American Indian trust accounts. That settlement is still on appeal in federal court. It was first announced by the administration in December 2009.

The Claims Resolution Act also included four water rights settlements, meant to benefit seven tribes in Arizona, Montana, and New Mexico.

In October 2011, the Obama administration reached a $380 million settlement with the Osage Nation over the tribe’s long-standing lawsuit involving the federal government’s mismanagement of trust funds and trust resources. That settlement featured measures designed to improve the trust relationship between the tribe and the United States.

Chief James Allan, Coeur d’Alene tribal chairman, said at the event that he believes Obama has done more for tribes than the last five presidents combined.

Gary Hayes, chairman of the Ute Mountain Tribe, thanked the U.S. agencies for moving to settle the lawsuits that have already proven costly to tribes as they have carried out their legal challenges for years. He also thanked the Native American Rights Fund for its role in assisting tribes on the deals.

“The seeds that we plant today will profit us in the future,” Hayes said. “These agreements mark a new beginning, one of just reconciliation, better communication…and strengthened management….”

Let us hope that the positive political developments of the last few years for the indigenous communities of North America herald the birth of a true era of respect and equality between themselves and the United States of America. But there is a long way to go.

Speak English! Or Else…

On Tuesday I discussed the slow but steady linguistic change currently taking place in Wales, with increasing numbers of Welsh people returning to their native language, largely due to a positive political environment in which equality legislation and clearly defined language policies have shaped the cultural landscape of the nation. Over the last two decades virtually all the political parties in Wales have embraced the concept of bilingualism and it has transformed the country. The days of politicians paying lip service to the Welsh language, or being actively hostile and discriminatory to Welsh speakers, have slowly faded away.

The institutional bigotry of English-speaking Wales has been broken, if not entirely erased. It can still kick back, as is evident from this report on the bizarre claims by businessmen in the Welsh-speaking region of Ceredigion that the transformation of the last bilingual English-and-Welsh speaking school in the area into a monolingual Welsh-speaking school (to meet the needs of local parents and children) will threaten jobs and the economy. Apparently speaking a language other than English means you will be punished by being made unemployed. I wonder has anyone told that to the Germans? Or the Japanese? Not to mention the Chinese.

From Wales Online:

“A row has erupted over plans to phase out teaching pupils in English at a primary school in a Welsh language stronghold.

Business leaders say the move could hinder the economy.

Ysgol Gynradd Aberteifi is the last remaining dual language primary school in the Cardigan area, with the nearest school teaching in English more than 20 miles away in New Quay.

All other eight schools within an eight-mile radius offer education through the medium of Welsh. The decision has ignited a row with business leaders who say the move could deter potential businesses and workforces from moving to the area.

Cardigan and District Chamber of Commerce said changing the status of the school will also have a “negative effect” on the expansion of existing businesses.

More than 1,000 people signed a petition against the change last year but the authority’s education cabinet gave the go ahead for the scheme last month.

Supporters say only a small number of pupils are currently taught in English and education director Eifion Evans said the change would be introduced gradually over a period of time, starting from September 2013.

Pupils already at the school will continue to be educated in Welsh and English during their time in the school. The school would become a full Welsh medium school in September 2019.

The Chamber has called for a delay on the move until a full consultation is carried out with firms in the area.

“We are objecting on the grounds that there has been inadequate consultation in relation to the effect such a change will have on the ability of local businesses to expand, and on the ability to attract new businesses,” said chairman Paul Oakley.

In a letter to the education authority, he said Ceredigion has the lowest earnings in Wales with a large community that desperately needs better paid jobs.

Welsh Government figures show the average weekly earnings in Ceredigion are the lowest in the country but house prices are disproportionately high.

Ceredigion remains one of the strongholds of the Welsh language, with 61% of those in the economically active age group speaking it.

Mr Oakley said the authority has said it has no evidence that the medium of education is an issue for prospective businesses.

“Quite who the education authority has consulted on these assertions is not clear but the obvious contact – the Chamber of Commerce, which represents more than 50 local businesses – has not been consulted, and would not agree with that,” he said.

“Key skills required by companies to move into new areas will be more difficult to recruit if there is no English stream in the local school.”

Councillor Ian ap Dewi, chairman of the council’s education scrutiny committee, said the decision was a very positive development for Cardigan and for the county.

“This is a big step and I congratulate the school for taking it. Welsh medium education is completely natural and normal.”

He added that late-comers to the Welsh language who move in from non-Welsh speaking areas will be able to attend to county’s language centre to prepare them for Welsh medium education.

Meinir Jones, spokeswoman for the Welsh Language Board, said: “Parents will still be able to help their child by reading bilingual books with them, by using audio books, and by taking an interest in school life and offer practical help if needed.

“In many parts of Wales the vast majority of children in Welsh-medium schools come from non-Welsh-speaking homes, so the schools are experienced in dealing with such situations.”

Reading the report one is left wondering if this is a case of Anglophone businessmen in Ceredigion issuing “warnings”: or issuing threats. Take away our English language and we will take away your jobs? Less a case of expressing the virtues of English and instead a simple case of expressing the inherent supremacism of some English-speakers.

What next? The “Blue Book” and the “Welsh Not” sign for children’s necks?

John Redmond And The Blood Sacrifice – For The British Empire

John Redmond, British Army Recruitment Poster – Dying For The Empire

Moronic statement of the week? Step forward the Irish Times and this piece from today’s newspaper:

“The introduction of the Third Home Rule Bill by Liberal Party prime minister Herbert Asquith on this day 100 years ago, in exchange for Irish nationalist support for the 1911 Parliament Act’s curtailing of the House of Lords’ powers, was for John Redmond an extraordinary moment of triumph.

Today we look back on the Third Home Rule Bill as a landmark in our history, the curtain-raiser and necessary prequel to the revolutionary upheavals that would follow. A moment that heralded a temporary breach in the tradition of democratic constitutionalism whose line the founders, and spirit, of the new State would reconnect with a decade later.”

I’m sorry? Can I have that again? The failure of the British Third Home Rule bill and the subsequent Irish Revolution was a “moment that heralded a temporary breach in the tradition of democratic constitutionalism”?

And how exactly does one have “democratic constitutionalism” in a state that didn’t have a constitution? Did the “United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland”, an artificial entity held together by the violence and the threat of violence emanating from one part of it, have a written constitution? No, of course it didn’t. Nor does the rump UK have it now.

And democracy? Excuse me for asking the bleedin’ obvious here, but what does “democracy” mean in a nation held captive under foreign colonial rule? Ireland was invaded, occupied, annexed and colonised by the British. I don’t remember too many ballot boxes being involved in that exercise of territorial greed and expansionism by our nearest neighbour.

John Redmond – For The Death Of Ireland (larger image available at militaria-archive.com)

Our nation existed under a system of colonial administration from the medieval period onwards. British governors and British civil servants, later augmented by some locals, native and imported, ruled over the Irish people for eight centuries. That’s eight hundred years of unlawful rule. Rule through violence and terror. Forget Stalin. Forget Pol Pot. The British showed all the wannabe imperatores how to well and truly make and rule an empire. And they did it to us!

That “tradition of democratic constitutionalism” didn’t do too much for the one million Irish men, women and children left to starve in fields and ditches across the island of Ireland in the 1840s and ‘50s. Oooops. Sorry. Did I say something unpleasant there? You don’t want to be reminded of that sort of thing, now, do you?

You’d prefer to remember the days of the Big House, the Irish R.M. and nanny in the nursery reading to the children (Kipling, of course, not that treasonous white nigger Lady Gregory). Ah, remember the days when one could smear a few bogtrotters with blood and then hunt them with the hounds o’er field and dale for the delectation of your cousins visiting from England? That is how one truly treats the peasants. In Ireland they still did it old school. None of that Chartist or Fabian nonsense here!

The dear oul sod in 1911. What a wonderful place it was. Oh yes, you still had the violent echoes of the Land War, midnight burnings and roadside assassinations, collective punishments and destitute families ejected from their homes. Of course there was an enormous, heavily armed, infantry-trained paramilitary police force, the Royal Irish Constabulary, housed in fortified barracks across the country, with a British administrated system of justice (and judges and clerks or their bastard Anglo-Irish off-spring) ferried hither and thither by armed escorts. But what is wrong with that?

No matter that people were still dying of malnutrition and disease on a massive scale, that “mini-famines” were the norm in the West, that millions lacked the ability to read or write, that the prisons were full to overcrowding. Ignore (if you can) the seditious press, the frequent rioting in cities and villages, the acts of vandalism against British symbols and the agents of British power in Ireland.

John Redmond And Britain’s “Irish War”

Put to one side the whole apparatus of a colonial police state, replete with its hordes of paid informers and spies and double-agents which would put any tin-pot Middle East dictator to shame. Forget the later KGB, my friends; the RIC made them look like amateurs! So what if people we imprisoned, tortured, expelled, banned, exiled. Put aside censorship and the suppression of a free press. Or books (you think the Nazis were the only book burners? Think again).

No. This was the heyday of empire. The British Empire. The time when Ireland celebrated its “democratic constitutionalism” in the British system of imperial and colonial government imposed on our small, oppressed and terrorised island – or as the Irish Times would have it, an island that was actually basking in the warm and welcoming glow of the Pax Britannica. Thus we witness the moment of triumph for John Redmond, that will only be slightly eclipsed by an even greater triumph several years later when he will express his support and great satisfaction at the image of young Irish men being placed up against a wall in front of British Army firing squads while thousands of other young Irishmen succumbed to his haranguing cries and fed themselves into the war machine of an empire in its death throes.

John Redmond. What a man. What a willing servant for those with the biggest king’s schilling ready to drop oh so heavily into his greedy, avaricious hand.

Hmmm. Actually, maybe he does represent the tradition of mainstream Irish democracy, after all?

Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil, Labour, Greens… the true inheritors of the Irish Parliamentary Party?

Just like the Irish Times.

John Redmond, The British Ventriloquist

A Pluralist Ireland? Does That Include The 1.7 Million Irish-Speakers?

A new report on the administration of primary schools in Ireland and the teaching of religious studies has been published by the Forum on Patronage and Pluralism in the Primary Sector, a state advisory group on education. Among its recommendations is the recognition of the high demand for teaching through the Irish language, both in dedicated schools and within the broader educational system. However only 5 pages in the 164 page document is devoted to Irish medium schooling, probably reflecting the already pluralist nature of the Gaelscoileanna movement. The major focus for the group is the system of English medium education Ireland and its close ties to the Roman Catholic Church and other religious denominations. The relevant excerpts for Irish are:

Irish Medium Primary Schools

The Status of the Irish Language

While the provision of Irish medium primary schools, for parents who wish to have their children educated through the medium of Irish, forms part of the diversity of patronage process, there is also a special dimension to the issue. The denominational or religious character of the school is not a cause of concern here, and Irish medium schools exist under a variety of religious patronage arrangements – denominational, multi-denominational and inter-denominational. The distinguishing feature regarding these schools is the significance of the Irish language in Irish society and the desire of some parents that it be the medium of school education.

The Advisory Group notes, and welcomes, that Irish medium schools are included within the remit of the new school patronage arrangements announced by the Minister in June 2011.

To appraise the matter satisfactorily, it is important to note the place of the Irish language in the Constitution, legislative provision and statements of government policy. Article 8 of the Irish Constitution states “The Irish language as the national language is the first official language”.

The Education Act (1998) sets out responsibilities in relation to Irish in the objects of the Act in Section 6:

(i) to contribute to the realisation of national policy and objectives in relation to the extension of bi-lingualism in Irish society and in particular the achievement of a greater use of the Irish language at school and in the community

(j) to contribute to the maintenance of Irish as the primary community language in Gaeltacht areas

(k) to promote the language and cultural needs of students having regard to the choices of their parents

In Section 9 – functions of a school – it notes that a recognised school shall provide education which will:

(f) promote development of the Irish language and traditions, Irish literature, the arts and other cultural matters

(h) in the case of schools located in the Gaeltacht area, contribute to the maintenance of Irish as the primary community language.

The objective of Government policy in relation to the Irish language is to increase the use and knowledge of Irish as a vibrant community language, increasing the number of families who use Irish as a daily means of communication, promoting the use of public services through Irish as a choice for citizens, and providing strong linguistic support for Gaeltacht communities. The “Strategy for the Irish Language 2010-2030”, (2010), is based on a “Government Statement on the Irish language” (2006) and one of its objectives was:

Objective 6 “A high standard of all Irish education will be provided to school students whose parents/ guardians so wish. Gaelscoileanna will continue to be supported at primary level and all Irish provision at post primary level will be developed to meet follow-on demand.”

The Strategy notes that “the education system is one of the critical engines for generating the linguistic ability on which this 20 year strategy is premised”. It highlights the need for “a focus on developing expertise and skills among the teaching profession – given the critical importance of the school in influencing language awareness and behaviour”.

The Programme for Government, “Government for National Recovery 2011-2016” (2011) stated “We will support the 20 Year Strategy for the Irish Language 2010-30 and will deliver on the achievable goals and targets proposed”. The Advisory Group recommends that parental demand for Irish medium schools should form part of the analysis of the 47 areas, recommended in Section IV of this Report.

Teaching through Irish in Primary Schools: the Current Situation

It is clear from the above statements that the concerns of parents for Irish-language medium schooling have very strong official support.

Currently, approximately 8% of primary schools teach through the medium of Irish and this percentage is reflected also in the number of students and classes who study through Irish. It can be seen from Table 15 below that the number of schools in the Gaeltacht where
the language of instruction is Irish has dropped from 153 to 106 between 1975/76 and 2010/11. The number of students has also dropped. In contrast, the number of schools teaching through the medium of Irish outside of the Gaeltacht has risen from
20 to 140 in the same time period. These schools now have almost 30,000 pupils enrolled. Almost all the Irish medium schools are under the patronage of Catholic bishops or An Foras Pátrúnachta na Scoileanna Lán-Ghaeilge Teoranta.

Census Data on People who can Speak Irish

Almost 1.66 million people, aged 3 years and over, were able to speak Irish in 2006 compared with 1.57 million in 2002. (There was an increase of 8% in the total population during that time period). This information was gathered in the 2006 National Census. Further information obtained is provided below and is abstracted from Volume 9 of the 2006 Census of Population – Irish Language (Oct 2007).

In percentage terms, there was a slight decline from 42.8 per cent in 2002 to 41.9 per cent in 2006.

Ability to speak Irish was highest among the school-going population with over two thirds of 10-14 year olds recorded as being able to speak the language. The figure for 15-19 year olds dropped back from 66.3% to 64.7%. Ability declines in the immediate post-education age groups but picks up again for 45-54 year olds. Irish speakers accounted for 70.8% per cent of the population aged 3 years and over in Gaeltacht areas in 2006 – down from 72.6 per cent in 2002. The proportion of Irish speakers varied between Gaeltacht areas. It was highest in County Waterford (79.5%) and lowest in the part of the Galway Gaeltacht located in Galway City (50.7%). All Gaeltacht areas, apart from Meath and Waterford, experienced a decline in the proportion of Irish speakers between 2002 and 2006. Of the near 1.66 million persons who indicated that they could speak Irish, just over 1 million (60%) either never spoke the language or spoke it less frequently than weekly. 485,000 (29.3%) spoke the language on a daily basis within the education system. However, the majority of these (453,000) did not speak the language outside the education system. Just over 72,000 persons, representing 4.4 per cent of all those who could speak Irish, spoke it on a daily basis outside education while one in four of these also spoke it daily within the education system. A total of 36,500 Irish speakers living in the Gaeltacht, representing 56.8 per cent of all Irish speakers in Gaeltacht areas, spoke Irish on a daily basis around the time of the 2006 census. 14,000 (38.3%) of these daily speakers spoke the language within the education system only. Nearly 19,500 (30.3%) of those able to speak Irish in the Gaeltacht either never spoke the language or spoke it less frequently than weekly. The occupational groups with the highest ability to speak Irish were teachers (78%), gardaí (74%) and religious (59%). The higher the educational level attained, the more likely the ability to speak Irish.

Recommendations:

• Accurate information on schooling through an all Irish medium should be made available to all parents, whose school preferences are being solicited, as set out in Section IV.

• It was stressed at the Forum that many all Irish medium schools tend to start out from a small parent base, but subsequently thrive. The Advisory Group recommends that the DES should analyse the pattern of such experience, as a guide towards evaluating future applications for such schools.

• Because of the State’s special commitments with regard to the Irish language, the Advisory Group recommends that the current regulation on flexibility of transport arrangements for parents seeking access to all Irish schools, should be maintained, and enhanced where judged appropriate.

• The DES and the educational partners should explore the possibility of a special category on the teachers’ redeployment panel to facilitate Irish medium schools in recruiting staff appropriately proficient in the Irish language.

• The Advisory Group recommends that the concept of a “Satellite” entity for an emerging school, under the auspices of a well-established Irish medium school, should be piloted.”

Given the recent hostile statements by the Minister for Education and Skills, Labour’s Ruairí Quinn, on the status of the Irish language in the school system and the clear desire of the Fine Oibre coalition to undermine the teaching of Irish in general, one is less than sanguine of any real policy change coming from the present government in relation to Irish medium schools. Inside or outside the Gaeltachtaí.

If It’s Good Enough For The Welsh, Why Is It Not Good Enough For The Irish?

In Ireland, after eight centuries of foreign colonial rule and despite nearly a century of independence, some of the population have been so thoroughly anglicised in their language, culture and thinking that an Anglophone minority continue to believe that it is their absolute right to hold undisputed sway over this country. This small but militant group within the broader English speaking community regard the resources of the Irish state as theirs and theirs alone. They look on those in Ireland who are outwardly indigenous in their language, culture and identity as little more than second-class citizens with second-class rights.

For this mongrelised oligarchy, our not-so-new Anglo-Irish elite, the Irish language is the English language; Irish culture is English culture. Anything that is “native” is rejected and reviled. If given their way the Irish language, and those who speak it, would be restricted to the “Reservations”. Forever.

How different things are amongst our Celtic neighbours in Wales. A country, ironically, that still lives in the shadow of the foreign state that we fought so long to escape; and which a minority of English-speaking Irish people are so eager to rush back to – in more ways than just language or culture. While the present Fine Gael – Labour coalition government, and a cabal of Anglophone supremacists who seem to have a grip of its policies in relation to the Irish language, works to undo the limited reforms that have been made to promote equality between the nation’s Irish and English speaking communities over the last decade, in Wales they are following a very different path. While the Fine Oibre autocracy is determined to abolish our Language Commissioner because he was simply too good at his job, too effective in wresting from the Irish state the rights of its Irish-speaking citizens so long denied, the Welsh are installing a language commissioner of their own. And based in part on our model.

From the Penny Post:

“Abi Pierce takes time out from her work at the Affordable Household Goods stall at Wrexham Butchers’ Market to wax lyrical about the Welsh language: “I see it as a wonderful gift, something to be cherished and developed.”

It’s not easy being a Welsh speaker, she admits. “I’m not always comfortable speaking it,” the 17-year-old says. “Some people take it as a bit of a joke, they think it’s a dying language and not worth saving.”

Which is why she is buoyed up by the bold attitude of the newly minted Welsh language commissioner, who is promising not only to act as an advocate for the tongue but to take action against those who do not give Welsh speakers such as Abi the freedom to express themselves.

In her first speech as commissioner, Meri Huws spoke of her vision of a Wales where speakers had the confidence to use the language and trust in the law to rectify any prejudice. Her initial focus will be to make sure that the Welsh government and public bodies fulfill their obligations to offer services both in English and Welsh.

Strikingly, Huws signalled she would step in if employees in small businesses were denied the freedom to speak Welsh at work. She gave the scenario of two hairdressers who were speaking Welsh together and a third insisting they speak English because he or she could not understand.

“In that situation the third colleague has interfered with the other two’s freedom to use the Welsh language,” said Huws. The Welsh speakers could complain to the commissioner and she could investigate.

Abi is impressed. “Anything that can be done to make Welsh speakers more comfortable and more confident has to be a good thing. Especially in a place like Wrexham, which is not a Welsh-speaking heartland, we do need someone that is going to help us fight for the language.”

The legislation that introduced the post of commissioner – and makes Welsh an official language – is the Welsh Language (Wales) 2011 Measure, the first piece of law relating to the language drafted and passed in Wales since the Act of Union in 1536.

The standards that organisations will have to meet will be shaped in the coming months during a period of public consultation. The commissioner will be able to fine bodies that do not comply with standards up to £5,000. Her powers relating to, for example, the hairdressers she mentioned are more limited though she could investigate complaints, write a report and release it to the media.

The tenor of the commissioner’s remarks is causing alarm bells to ring in business and industry.

The Federation of Small Businesses (FSB) in Wales believes that more language legislation could put more of a burden on its members.

Iestyn Davies, head of external affairs, said the FSB was “fully supportive” of Wales’s development as a bilingual country. “But I believe the best way to encourage the language is through voluntary codes. People should be encouraged to use Welsh because they want to, not because they are coerced.”

Over in the People’s Market (Wrexham has a rich variety of indoor markets) Nyeem Aslam is less diplomatic than the FSB. “I think this commissioner is talking nonsense. They always seem to be coming up with new rules to make it harder for businesses.” Aslam runs the Welsh Shop in the market, selling rugby shirts and T-shirts bearing patriotic slogans such as “Every morning I wake up, I thank the Lord I’m Welsh” but believes that in towns such as Wrexham, the Welsh language is irrelevant. “I don’t speak it and don’t do any business in Welsh.”

Huws’ role is not unique. Canada has language commissioners to protect its bilingualism and, as in Wales, immigration is seen as one of its major challenges.

Bethan Williams, chair of the pressure group Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg (Welsh Language Society), said legislation was necessary to make sure Welsh is a “central part of everyday life”.

She wants the commissioner to tackle big business, to force supermarkets to provide services in Welsh rather than just sticking up a few “tokenistic” signs in Welsh and to ensure banks offer online services in Welsh.

Williams said the new law was important for the language but also because it showed that Wales, which only gained primary law-making powers last year, could frame its own legislation.

“The new language measure was a test case of the ability of the national assembly to produce primary legislation. It was proof that legislation distinct for Wales could be fashioned in Wales and implemented by Welsh public servants. It is a symbolic sign.”

• Until the mid-1800s, more than 80% of people in Wales could speak Welsh.

• Factors such as the industrial revolution, which brought mass immigration, led to a steep decline in the number of Welsh speakers.

• According to the Welsh government, there are now 580,000 people in Wales who can speak the language – about 21% of the population.

• Language use surveys carried out between 2004 and 2006 suggested that 56% of all fluent Welsh speakers, in every age group, lived in four counties: Anglesey, Gwynedd, Ceredigion and Carmarthenshire.

• The 2001 census revealed that 40.8% of Welsh children aged between 5 and 15 could speak Welsh.

• A Federation of Small Businesses survey in 2009 found that 28% of those surveyed were able to deal with customers or each other in Welsh, and 12% were using bilingual signs or literature.”

Could you imagine the English-speaking political, business and media elite in Ireland tolerating true equality for the country’s Irish-speaking citizens along the lines spelled out in Wales? No? Well in truth, neither can I. At least, not this side of an Irish revolution.

The Myths Of Easter 1916 – And The Truth

The Irish “Twin Towers” – The GPO, Dublin, Destroyed By British Occupation Forces, 1916

Introduction

The annual commemoration of Éirí Amach na Cásca or the Easter Rising of 1916 and the commencement of the Irish Revolution is upon us yet again. Some ninety-six years ago on Easter Monday, 1916, members of several Irish Republican organisations came together to unite in a general insurrection against British rule across the island of Ireland. Orchestrated by the secret revolutionary movement of the Bráithreachas Phoblacht na hÉireann (BPnahÉ) or in English the Irish Republican Brotherhood or IRB (popularly known as Na Fíníní or the Fenians), the organisations which took to the streets of the capital city and a number of other towns and districts around the country were to shape Irish history for decades to come. They included:

Óglaigh na hÉireann (ÓnahÉ) “Irish Volunteers (IV)”

Arm Cathartha na hÉireann (ACnahÉ) ”Irish Citizen Army (ICA)”

Cumann na mBan (CnamB)

Na Fianna Éireann (NFÉ)

The Hibernian Rifles (HR)

Together they now comprised the new Arm Poblachtach na hÉireann (APnahÉ) or in the English language the Army of the Irish Republic or Irish Republican Army (IRA) whose purpose was to defend the Irish Republic and the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic proclaimed on the steps of General Post Office or GPO in Dublin. Unfortunately confusion about the timing and nature of the uprising meant a national insurrection failed to materialise and instead a number of isolated risings took place around the island of Ireland (largely in Dublin city and county, but with smaller actions in Waterford, Wexford, Meath, Louth, Tyrone, Fermanagh and Galway). After several days of fighting during which much of the city-centre of Dublin was destroyed by British ground and naval artillery, the Forces of the Irish Republic in the capital surrendered to the far larger British Occupation Forces which had now flooded the country with reinforcements. Within days fighting around the rest of the island came to a halt as well (though in fact skirmishes both in Dublin and elsewhere continued for some time, principally through sniping and isolated attacks).

Part Of Dublin City, Destroyed By The British Occupation Forces, 1916

How People Viewed The Rising

The reaction of the general public in Dublin, the centre of British rule in Ireland for 800 years and the most thoroughly colonised region of the island outside of the north-east, was mixed. Within the large local British or British Unionist population (Protestants and Roman Catholics who viewed themselves as Irish and British or exclusively British), the majority feeling was of hostility to the “Rebels” and support for the British state in Ireland. Since this community was closely invested in the continuance of British rule to protect its privileged political, social, economic and cultural standing in the country it was the one that was the most vocal it its expressions of loyalty to Britain and calls for “retribution” against the “Rebels”, their supporters, families and communities. Indeed when captured or surrendered Irish Republican revolutionaries paraded by the British Forces through British Unionist areas of the city came under verbal and physical assault from crowds of mainly working-class and some middle-class British loyalists publicly mixing together in ways that probably hadn’t been seen since the last visit of a British head of state to the island. Earlier during the actual fighting stage of the Rising crowds of British Unionists had also lined the streets to cheer passing British troops in the more middle-class southern suburbs of the city, after the soldiers had disembarked from transport-ships arriving from Britain.

On the other hand the reaction of the Irish or Irish Nationalist community in Dublin, the majority one in the region, was much more complex. Living under absolute and virtually unbroken British rule for centuries had inculcated in it the idea of the absolute might and mastery of the British Empire: not just in Ireland but across the globe (a belief encouraged by the British state itself through every aspect of intellectual life, from education to literature). The suggestion that Irish people could successfully rise up against the British in Ireland seemed like madness and simple wish fulfilment to most ordinary Dubliners. Most men and women simply couldn’t imagine such a thing happening (however much they may have desired it). Living in the “police state” created by British colonial rule, where the conspicuous presence of the paramilitary police force of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) and dozens of British military garrisons around the island was a daily reminder of the might of Britain, very few could imagine anything else. Just as importantly generations of Irish people had been made to believe, through centuries of British propaganda, that the Irish as a race were “unfit” to govern themselves: too uneducated, unintelligent, uncivilized.

British Occupation Forces, Dublin, 1916

Fearing the reaction of the British to the “Rebellion” (and with good reason given the traditional savagery of British responses in the past) many in the Irish Nationalist community adopted a wait-and-see approach to the would-be revolution. If it failed, as most fully expected to happen, they did not want to be seen to be on the wrong side – by the British. The Irish people knew through long and bitter experience that those perceived by the British authorities as being “traitors” or “treasonous” in their attitudes would have found themselves at the very least forced into unemployment, perhaps homelessness and impoverishment too (and this in a city where institutional discrimination against the Irish Nationalist community remained commonplace and malnutrition, starvation and disease was rampant in the Nationalist inner-city ghettos). Worse they could have been arrested or interned without trial, and possibly “deported” or exiled from the country by British diktat. And, the greatest fear of all, they could have simply been rounded up and executed by the British Forces in a series of mass retributions or communal punishments from which there would be no escape.

Yet the history of the Easter Rising is replete with accounts of civilian men, women and children risking their lives to help the revolutionaries throughout the capital city and county. What’s more remarkable is the breadth of people who lent aid and succour to the insurrectionists, a breadth that seemed to cut across class divisions and boundaries. From washerwomen to businessmen, dockers to doctors, barmen to teachers, hundreds of people, both during the fighting and after the surrender did what they could when they could to aid the cause of the Irish Republic. And this at a time when the first British retributions had already taken place: when buildings in the city-centre and neighbouring working-class districts were being pounded by British artillery and machine-gun fire, killing involved and uninvolved alike; when civilians had been murdered in different parts of the city by attacking British Forces, some of them tortured before hand; when some captured “rebels” or suspected ”rebels” were simply being executed on the spot by British officers and soldiers infuriated by the temerity of the Irish to rise up against nearly a thousand years of ”ordained” and “lawful” British rule in Ireland.

O’Connell St, Dublin After The Easter Rising 1916, From O’Connell Bridge

In contrast to the affluent and often “ethnically British” southern suburbs of Dublin in the mainly Irish Nationalist areas of the inner city and northern reaches the long lines of captured “rebels” were applauded and cheered by crowds who refused to be cowed by the threatening British troops and watchful RIC policemen. Here and there groups of women and girls would suddenly rush forward pushing little parcels of food and clothes into the hands of the bewildered prisoners, and just as suddenly withdraw as the British bayonets would dash towards them. And sometimes a wounded man or a teenage boy would be dragged or carried away with them to disappear into the warren of back streets and alleyways to the fury of the British escorts. Across the city dozens of revolutionaries relied on the sanctuary offered by local people who hid them in cellars and attics, sheds and outhouse, as the British and their willing RIC servants went from house to house, street to street furiously seeking them out. Even as the British reinforcements had entered the city proper during the latter days of the Rising in many areas they had met a sullen, uncooperative population (something already experienced by some locally raised soldiers in the so-called “Irish Regiments”) and a marked hostility in some districts that puzzled or angered them. Later the feelings of much of the city’s inhabitants grew far worse: resentful of the Rising’s failure (even if the vast majority never though it would succeed in the first place), strangely and paradoxically proud that it had taken place at all, angry at the destruction of so much of the city’s heart by the British Occupation Forces, and already aware of the quickly circulated accounts of massacres and outrages carried out by its troops.

Outside of Dublin, in those rural areas where the British writ did not run so firmly, the civilian population was much more vocal in its support. In Galway and Wexford and other places the scattered revolutionaries were greeted as an army of liberation in some villages and parishes, while the handful of local RIC officers who enforced British rule with such iron determination barricaded themselves into their fortified police barracks or fled to the next biggest British military garrison. Only when the news of the surrender by the Provisional Government in Dublin reached them did local people in country districts retreat into their customary guise of silence and withdrawal, so as not to be singled out for retribution by the British state and its many, many servants in Ireland. Yet, even here, more “rebels” found a willing and helpful hand than not, and many young men simply discarded their weapons and equipment and returned home to their families and communities in the more isolated rural areas who closed ranks around them.

Dublin, 1916

The Myths of 1916

The great myth of the Easter Rising is the claim that the decision by the British military and government to execute the members of the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic and other principal figures who had participated in the insurrection, led to the turning of public opinion in Ireland in favour of the revolutionaries. The implication is that before those terrible, retributive deaths by British military firing squads the Irish people as a whole were opposed to the “Rebels” and were accepting of the need to put down the “Rebellion”. But, as we have seen, nothing further could be from the truth.

The great failure of the British was not to have ignored the wishes of the Irish people and to have executed Pádraig Mac Piarais, President of the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic and Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Irish Republic, and all the other signatories to the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. Their failure was that they did listen to the wishes of the Irish people and their demands for violent retribution. Unfortunately it was the wrong Irish people. British military commanders and politicians, already convinced of the need for a public show of force through the killing of the leaders of the Rising, needed simply enough public encouragement and momentum to go through with it. In Britain there was plenty, with demands for blood from across the political spectrum. But they also found it in Ireland. Not from Irish Ireland: but from British Ireland. Amongst the British Unionist population who dominated the locally raised British military and paramilitary forces in Ireland, the judiciary, the colonial civil service and administration, the business classes and landed aristocracy, and above all the media elite of the time: journalists, editors and newspaper owners.

The Quays, Dublin, 1916

The British population of Ireland demanded that the British Empire seek retribution upon its and their enemies. By baying for the blood of the ”Rebels” the Unionists expressed their loyalty to the existing order while protecting and securing their own place in it. Many believed in the aftermath of the executions that Ireland’s position in the so-called “United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland” had been secured forever. To some the insurrection had been a blessing in disguise and now the people of Britain would see the deceit and untrustworthiness of the “native, Catholic, Gaelic Irish” and that the limited reforms of the previous decades could be undone. Most expected the British to now impose military conscription upon Ireland in order to force tens of thousands of Irishmen into the ranks of the British Armed Forces to fight in the trenches of World War I and that the Nationalist politicians of Ireland would be rendered mute and even more ineffective than normal.

However, as we know, history took quite a different path. The British soon realised their mistake in listening to the advice of their “West British” co-nationals in Ireland, and within eight years the Unionist population in three-quarters of Ireland was abandoned to its own fate as the British colony in Ireland was reduced to a bloody rump centred in the north-eastern corner of the island where the single greatest concentration of an ethnically British population lived as a local majority. But that, as they say, is another story.

A group of British army officers pose beneath the statue of Parnell with the ‘Irish Republic’ flag that had flown over the GPO in O’Connell Street during the Easter Rising in 1916

Suggested Links

If you want to learn more about the Easter Rising of 1916, the National Library of Ireland maintains a permanent online exhibition, The 1916 Rising: Personalities and Perspectives. You can view the flash-site or view individual guides in PDF format here.

British troops moving near the Four Courts, after the Rising, Dublin, 1916

Some more interesting sites are:

The Irish Volunteers Commemorative Organisation

The War Of Independence

The Irish Story

The Irish War

The Easter Rising

An Chéad Dáil Éireann

The Irish Republic

The Proclamation of the Irish Republic: Notes From Dublin

The 1916 Rising: Then and Now

The Irish Rebellion of 1916 and its Martyrs: Erin’s tragic Easter

Sinn Féin Rebellion Handbook, Easter, 1916

The Pursuit of Sovereignty & the Impact of Partition, 1912–1949

The Foundation and Development of Na Fianna Éireann

British Troops Of The Ulster Volunteer Force, A Later Notorious British Unionist Militia In Ireland, Move Into Dublin To Support British Forces, 1916 – The Presence Of UVF Men Contributed To Anti-British Feeling In The Capital

British Occupation Forces, Dublin, 1916

Snipers Kneeling Behind Barricade, British Occupation Forces, Dublin, 1916

British Troops Seal-Off Dublin Streets during “Troubles”- Easter Rising, 1916

Soldiers Crawling Over Bridge, British Occupation Forces, Dublin, 1916

Irish Republican Army POWs, Easter Rising, Dublin, 1916

Irish Republican Army POWs, Easter Rising, Dublin, 1916

Countess Markievicz In Temporary Outside Cell, Held By British Occupation Forces, 1916 Easter Rising, Dublin

Defiant Dublin Children Left Homeless After The Bombardment Of The City By The British Occupation Forces, Dublin 1916

In Europe No One Can Hear You Scream…

Great article over on the Cedar Lounge Revolution on the autocratic instincts of the European Union elites now being played out in Greece:

“One has to wonder at the logic of an EU approach which argues for austerity as a path to growth. But one has to wonder further at an EU approach which seems to push past austerity into something close to an imposed penury as a path to growth. One can accept the need for certain changes in the Greek economy from the status quo ante while simultaneously considering that what is being imposed is profoundly negative, and not simply for Greece but also for the contemporary European project.

On almost every metric, the democratic – given the imposition of a technocratic administration in Athens, the social – given the abysmal levels of austerity being imposed, the logical – given the deeply counter-productive nature of that austerity, the EU and ECB have failed that state.

When the potential outcomes of these failures are so significant as to fundamentally weaken a modern Europe advanced democracy and perhaps with worse ahead, then the sense that there’s something fundamentally wrong with the direction European leaders have taken is impossible to evade.”

Meanwhile Dole TV brings this all-to accurate satire of the upcoming referendum on the so-called Fiscal Compact Treaty: